Tense and Aspect in English Infinitives

2014 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susi Wurmbrand
Keyword(s):  
Propositional Attitude ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Reference Time ◽  
Entire Spectrum ◽  
Tense And Aspect ◽  
Temporal Domain ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Way ◽  
English I

This article investigates the temporal and aspectual composition of infinitival complementation structures in English. I show that previous classifications of tense in infinitives are insufficient in that they do not cover the entire spectrum of infinitival constructions in English. Using the distribution of nongeneric, nonstative, episodic interpretations as a main characteristic, I show that infinitival constructions fall into three classes: future irrealis infinitives, which allow episodic interpretations with bare VPs; simultaneous infinitives that do not allow episodic interpretations; and simultaneous infinitives that allow episodic interpretations depending on the matrix tense. I argue that the three classes of infinitives are derived from the following properties: future infinitives are tenseless but involve a syntactically present future modal woll; simultaneous propositional attitude infinitives impose the now of the propositional attitude holder as the reference time of the infinitive; and certain simultaneous infinitives form a single temporal domain with the matrix clause. The analysis proposed has consequences for the composition of tense and aspect, the syntax of infinitives, and the way selection is determined.

scholarly journals On the synchrony, variation and diachrony of adverbial exceptive clauses in Polish

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jędrzejowski
Keyword(s):  
Matrix Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Adverbial Clauses ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Discourse Particle ◽  
The Way

In this article, I examine the synchrony and diachrony of adverbial exceptive clauses in Polish headed by the complex complementizer 'chyba że' (unless). Synchronically, I argue that 'chyba-że'-clauses are syntactically nonintegrated adverbial clauses and that they cannot be analyzed as negated conditionals, although both clause types can give rise to an exceptive interpretation. Diachronically, I provide an analysis according to which 'chyba że' (unless) is treated as a complex C-head that is due to head adjunction of the discourse particle 'chyba' (presumably) and of the declarative complementizer 'że' (that). Essentially, there are three main factors that paved the way for the development of the exceptive complementizer in Polish: i) syntactic adjacency of the discourse particle 'chyba' (presumably) and of the declarative complementizer 'że' (that) establishing a subordination relation between the matrix clause and the embedded clause, ii) movement of the conditional clitic 'by' from MoodP to the CP domain, and iii) accommodation of negation of focus alternatives. As it will turn out, this process was completed in Middle Polish (1543-1765).

scholarly journals Gérondif « non-coréférentiel »

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-224
Author(s):  
Jun-Ya Watanabe
Keyword(s):  
Mode I ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Subject Of Cognition ◽  
The Way

Par « gérondif non-coréférentiel », nous entendons le gérondif dont le sujet n'est pas coréférentiel avec celui de la proposition régissante. Il s'agit là d'un emploi souvent qualifié d'anomalie grammaticale. Notre enquête dans le corpus « Corpatext 1.02 » a révélé que les conditions prototypiques du gérondif non-coréférentiel étaient (i) les verbes psycho-cognitifs pour le gérondif, et (ii) l'aspect lexical non-borné pour le verbe de la proposition régissante. Nous affirmons par là que c'est le sujet de cognition sous-jacent à la proposition régissante qui est le sujet implicite du gérondif non-coréférentiel, et que ce dernier est une façon d'expression qui reflète le « mode I » selon Nakamura (2009), à savoir un mode de cognition qui pénètre dans la réalité observée. Non-coreferential gérondif Abstract: By "non-coreferential gérondif" I mean the gérondif whose subject is not coreferential with that of the matrix clause. It is often considered grammatically anomalous. Our investigation in the corpus "Corpatext 1.02" revealed that the prototypical conditions of the coreferential gérondif were (i) the psycho-cognitive verb in the gérondif, and (ii) the atelic verb, a verb that expresses an unbounded situation, in the matrix clause. Therefore, it is the subject of cognition implied in the matrix-clause situation that is the implicit subject of non-coreferential gérondif. I argue that this type of gérondif reflects the way of expression with "I" mode in the sens of Nakamura (2009), namely, a mode of cognition with a viewpoint that slips into the observed reality.

Aspect and space

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas Champollion
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Domain ◽  
The Other ◽  
Alternative View ◽  
Temporal Domain ◽  
Spatial Aspect ◽  
Temporal Aspect ◽  
The Way

This chapter models the relation between temporal aspect (run for an hour vs. *run all the way to the store for an hour) and spatial aspect (meander for a mile vs. *end for a mile) previously discussed by Gawron (2009). The chapter shows that for-adverbials impose analogous conditions on the spatial domain and on the temporal domain, and that an event may satisfy stratified reference with respect to one of the domains without satisfying it with respect to the other one as well. This provides the means to extend the telic-atelic opposition to the spatial domain. The chapter argues in some detail that stratified reference is in this respect empirically superior to an alternative view of telicity based on divisive reference (Krifka 1998).

Da eine oder mehrere betroffen …

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-100
Author(s):  
Melitta Gillmann
Keyword(s):  
High Frequency ◽  
Formal Language ◽  
Subordinate Clause ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Very High Frequency ◽  
Corpus Study ◽  
Causal Relations ◽  
Legal Texts ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Very High

AbstractBased on a corpus study conducted using the GerManC corpus (1650–1800), the paper sketches the functional and sociosymbolic development of subordinate clause constructions introduced by the subjunctor da ‘since’ in different text genres. In the second half of the 17th and the first half of the 18th century, the da clauses were characterized by semantic vagueness: Besides temporal, spatial and causal relations, the subjunctor established conditional, concessive, and adversative links between clauses. The corpus study reveals that different genres are crucial to the readings of da clauses. Spatial and temporal usages, for example, occur more often in sermons than in other genres. The conditional reading, in contrast, strongly tends to occur in legal texts, where it displays very high frequency. This could be the reason why da clauses carry indexical meaning in contemporary German and are associated with formal language. Over the course of the 18th century, the causal usages increase in all genres. Surprisingly, these causal da clauses tend to be placed in front of the matrix clause despite the overall tendency of causal clauses to follow the matrix clause.

Preschoolers’ imitation of sentential complement sentences: Does the nature of the matrix clause matter?

2021 ◽  
pp. 014272372110242
Author(s):  
Ian Morton ◽  
C. Melanie Schuele
Keyword(s):  
Language Development ◽  
Age Group ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Developmental Progression ◽  
Main Effect ◽  
Dependent Variables ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Group 3 ◽  
Sentence Imitation ◽  
Experimental Findings

Preschoolers’ earliest productions of sentential complement sentences have matrix clauses that are limited in form. Diessel proposed that matrix clauses in these early productions are propositionally empty fixed phrases that lack semantic and syntactic integration with the clausal complement. By 4 years of age, however, preschoolers produce sentential complement sentences with matrix clauses that are more varied. Diessel proposed that the matrix clauses in these later productions semantically and syntactically embed the complement clause. We refer to these matrix clauses as formulaic and true, respectively. Diessel’s hypothesis about the development of sentential complement sentences was based on an analysis of spontaneous language. The purpose of this study was to evaluate Diessel’s hypothesis with an experimental sentence imitation task wherein stimuli varied in the nature of the matrix clause. Thirty children with typical language development participated; 10 children in each age group (3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds) imitated 50 sentential complement sentences that included either a true or a formulaic matrix clause; the structure of the dependent clauses did not vary. Dependent variables were percent sentence imitation and percent matrix clause imitation. There was a significant main effect for matrix clause type on imitation of sentences and matrix clauses. There was also a significant main effect for age on imitation of sentences and matrix clauses. Significant matrix clause type-by-age interactions were such that percent sentence imitation and percent matrix clause imitation varied by age. Three- and 4-year-olds were less proficient than 5-year-olds on imitation of sentences with true matrix clauses and on imitations of true matrix clauses. Only 3- and 4-year-olds were less proficient imitating true matrix clauses than formulaic matrix clauses. Experimental findings support Diessel’s hypothesis that there is a developmental progression in the nature of preschoolers’ production of sentential complement sentences.

Internal marketing of attitudes in Caribbean tourism

2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne P. Crick
Keyword(s):  
Internal Marketing ◽  
Marketing Strategies ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The People ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Caribbean Tourism ◽  
The Way

Tourism is the mainstay of the Caribbean and the attitude of the people in the region may have a significant impact on the success of the industry. This paper analyzes the way in which tourism authorities of three Caribbean destinations have internally marketed tourism to their host populations in order to encourage the desired attitudinal expressions. A matrix of five possible responses to tourism was developed and each of the three countries was found to occupy different positions in the matrix. An analysis of the internal marketing strategies determined that the countries adopted different approaches based on their particular challenges but none of the approaches had achieved lasting success. The study concludes with recommendations for future research.

Equidistance returns

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Longenbaugh ◽  
Maria Polinsky
Keyword(s):  
Subject Position ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Object Shift ◽  
Case System ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Case Licensing ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Text Content ◽  
Semantic Object

Abstract Modern generative linguistic theory furnishes a variety of general principles that appear to be at work in the grammar of all the world’s languages. One of the most basic and uncontroversial of these principles is that Agree/Move operates according to the constraint Attract Closest, which dictates that the closest suitable goal must be the target for the relevant operation (Rizzi 1990; Chomsky 1995, 2000; Richards 1998). The Polynesian language Niuean (Tongic subgroup, predicate initial word order, ergative-absolutive case system) presents a well known challenge to the universality of {Attract Closest}. The challenge manifests in a variety of distinct constructions in Niuean, but the best known case involves an operation first documented by Seiter (1980), which he terms “raising.” Specifically, Niuean raising appears to license an A-type dependency between the subject position of the matrix clause and the object position of an immediately embedded clause. This is illustrated in (1), where the semantic object of the embedded subjunctive clause, Sione, appears as the syntactic subject of the matrix predicate maeke. (1) To maeke a Sione$_{1}$ [ke lagomatai he ekekafo $t_{1}$]. fut possible abs Sione sbj help erg doctor ‘It’s possible the doctor can help Sione.’ (lit.: Sione is possible that the doctor help [him]) Granting that the filler-gap dependency in (1) is A-type, this is both a clear violation of {Attract closest} (Rizzi 1992; Chomsky 1995; Richards 1998) and a typological anomaly. Our aim in this paper is to argue that such apparent violations of {Attract Closest} are only that. Specifically, we show first that the challenge inherent in Seiter’s raising construction is pervasive throughout the language: in general, objects are accessible to syntactic operations even if the intervening clause-mate subject is also a licit target. In other words, Niuean clause-mate subjects and objects are equally accessible to syntactic operations. Then, we argue that this typologically uncommon equal-accessibility follows from the convergence of several otherwise independently attested operations: (i) a configurational system of case licensing, with a $v$P as the case computation domain; (ii) obligatory object shift to Spec($v$P); (iii) an EPP on T triggering V/VP-raising rather than DP externalization. The resulting basic clause structure is then as below, so that Niuean adheres to standard locality constraints. (2)

scholarly journals Featural definition of syntactic positions: Evidence from hyper-raising

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzana Fong
Keyword(s):  
Phase Problem ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Finite Clause

Hyper-raising consists in raising a DP from an embedded finite clause into the matrix clause. HR introduces a phase problem: the embedded clause is finite, which is supposed to be impervious to raising. This can be overcome by postulating A-features at the C of the the embedded clause. They trigger the movement of the subject to [Spec, CP]. Being at the edge of a phase, it is visible to a matrix probe. If successful, this analysis provides support for the claim that syntactic positions are not inherently A or A-bar; they can be defined featurally instead.

Functional and anaphoric control

2019 ◽  
pp. 545-601
Author(s):  
Mary Dalrymple ◽  
John J. Lowe ◽  
Louise Mycock
Keyword(s):  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Partial Control ◽  
Subject And Object ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Syntactic Relations ◽  
Lexical Constraints

This chapter explores the syntax and semantics of functional and anaphoric control, constructions in which either syntactic or lexical constraints require coreference between an argument of the matrix clause (the controller) and an argument of a subordinate or modifying adjunct clause (the controllee). Such cases include the classes of “raising” verbs (Section 15.2) and “equi” verbs (Section 15.4). Crosslinguistically, descriptions of such constructions involve reference to functional syntactic relations such as subject and object; therefore, the syntactic discussion in this chapter is primarily centered around the f-structures of functional and anaphoric control constructions. A detailed semantic analyses of functional and anaphoric control constructions is also presented, considering arbitrary, obligatory, and quasi-obligatory (partial) control relations, and a discussion of the syntax and semantics of control in adjuncts (Section 15.8).

Subordinate clauses

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-288
Author(s):  
Jan Terje Faarlund
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
Finite Verb ◽  
Nominal Clauses

In subordinate clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer word, which may be null. The finite verb stays in V. SpecCP is either empty or occupied by a wh-word, or by some other element indicating its semantic function. Nominal clauses are finite or non-finite. Finite nominal clauses are declarative or interrogative. Declarative nominal clauses may under specific circumstances have main clause word order (‘embedded V2’). Infinitival clauses are marked by an infinitive marker, which is either in C (Swedish), or immediately above V (Danish). Norwegian has both options. Relative clauses comprise several different types; clauses with a relativized nominal argument are mostly introduced by a complementizer; adverbial relative clauses relativize a locative or temporal phrase, with or without a complementizer; comparative clauses relativize a degree or identity. Under hard-to-define circumstances depending on language and region, subordinate clauses allow extraction of phrases up into the matrix clause.

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