Ethnic Conflict and the Politics of Greed Rethinking Chimamanda Adichie's

Matatu ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Mdika Tembo

The African continent today is laced with some of the most intractable conflicts, most of them based on ethnic nationalism. More often than not, this has led to poor governance, unequal distribution of resources, state collapse, high attrition of human resources, economic decline, and inter-ethnic clashes. This essay seeks to examine Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's through the lens of ethnic conflict. It begins by tracing the history and manifestations of ethnic stereotypes and ethnic cleavage in African imaginaries. The essay then argues that group loyalty in Nigeria led to the creation of 'biafranization' or 'fear of the Igbo factor' in the Hausa–Fulani and the various other ethnic groups that sympathized with them; a fear that crystallized into a thirty-month state-sponsored bulwark campaign aimed at finding a 'final solution' to a 'problem population'. Finally, the essay contends that Adichie's anatomizes the impact of ethnic cleavage on the civilian Igbo population during the Nigeria–Biafra civil war. Adichie, I argue, participates in an ongoing re-invention of how Africans can extinguish the psychology of fear that they are endangered species when they live side by side with people who do not belong to their 'tribe'.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 239-260
Author(s):  
Mercy Khumbo Nyirenda

This study investigated the impact of resource distribution on learning outcomes on nine purposively selected primary schools in the Chintheche Education Zone (previously known as Chihame Zone 1), Nkhata Bay District. Criteria for eligibility were that a school should have administered primary school leaving examinations at least three (3) times and was easy to access by public transport. In addition to document analysis, the study collected data using a questionnaire administered to the head teachers of each school, the Primary Education Advisor (PEA), and District Education Manager (DEM). Descriptive statistical analysis was done to compare pupil performance between schools with optimal resource availability and those without. The study found that the distribution of resources in the Chintheche Education Zone is unequal even though the zone is under one Primary Education Advisor. Schools closest to the trading centre have more resources and perform better than schools located far away from the trading centre and lacking almost in everything. The findings suggest that the unequal distribution of resources affects selection of pupils to secondary schools. The study recommends that fair and equitable distribution of resources would go a long way to achieving equity in access to secondary education.


Author(s):  
Ray Ikechukwu Jacob

This paper examines how ethnic conflict occurred as a result of actions or decisions made by either local  government, state or federal government in Nigeria. Ethnic conflict can be triggered due to various factors, such geographical proximity, group identity, deliberate manipulation of negative perceptions by political leaders, competition of resources, weakness of political institution transitions to democracy, and etc. However, the main focus of this paper is the implementation of Shari’a law in the Northern Nigeria and how the decisions and the implementations have led to blood-shed conflicts in the country. In general, a number of blood-shed events that occurred in Nigeria are also due to the process of decision-making by the political elites that could not fulfil the requirements of the respective ethnic groups. The implications had been overwhelmingly devastating in the country. Uncountable lives were lost via mayhem and blood-shed wars. Homes, shops and properties were destroyed. The economic implications of ethnic conflict have resulted in unequal distribution of resources among individual, groups and regions within the country. The growing economic disparities may increase the fear of those ethnic groups that are disadvantaged; this has warranted that the ignorant masses are often being remote and mobilized by the political class to engage in religious crisis in order to achieve their selfish political interests. In the same vein, similar ethnic based political movements have arisen in Nigeria. Therefore, decision-making is one source that could lead to ethnic conflict in a multi-cultural and ethnic country like Nigeria. Decision-making approach was used to examine the scene of conflict by focusing only on the religious conflict between Muslims and Christians in the country.


Author(s):  
Ser-Min SHEI

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.基因醫學的進步,有朝一日將使得一個人在出生時的基因組合,不再只是純然的運氣,而是社會體制可以影響和決定的。會這一天來臨時,社會正義是否要求社會提供給父母親必要的基因醫療資源,以避免讓下一代因為基因差異而在機會上不平等?是否要求社會應該提供所有成員必要的基因醫療服務,以確保人與人之間在基因組合上平等?本文從合理契約論的角度來分析對這兩個問題,提出負面的答案。合理契約論的正義觀結合了亞里斯多德與羅爾斯對於正義之概念的分析,主張:社會有欠於每個成員去選擇一個他不能合理拒絕的體制。在這個架構下,本文把基因差異所衍生出來的機會不平等,置於分配正義的脈絡來考察。本文分析了泛公平式的機會平等原則、中立化基因差異原則、基因平等原則,並且指出這些原則的困難。本文認為,為了避免社會成員因為基因缺陷而有生不如死的抗議,社會有義務要做到讓所有的人帶有一定程度的基因品質。但由於基因工程可能會改變人的同一性,本文論證,在合理契約論的架構下,社會並沒有義務去提供必要的基因醫療資源來中立化基因差異,更沒有義務去落實基因平等。但本文也論證,在允許資源不平等、尊重家庭自主性的體制裡,公平式的機會平等要求社會必須補償基因組合較差者。而為了避免補償不足,社會也許應該提供基因醫療資源,縮小人與人之間因為基因差異而衍生的機會不平等,雖然這並不是社會有欠於基因組合較差者的義務。Genetic medicine has made so many unthinkable things possible these days that someday we might be able to determine the features of anyone's genetic profile. Once this is feasible, then the distribution of genetic profiles is no longer a matter of natural lottery. It is then to be decided by social institutions and to be assessed in term of social justice. This paper is concerned with the questions as to whether society then should provide genetic medical resources for parents so that the impact on opportunity of genetic inequalities could be neutralized or minimized, and whether society should bring about genetic equality. I answer both questions negatively from the perspective of a conception of justice, which I have been developing. I call this conception reasonable contractarianism, which holds that society owes to each member a duty to choose an institutional scheme that he or she (if properly motivated) could not reasonably reject. I argued that the brute luck view of equal opportunity, which might give positive answers to the questions I pose, is implausible. In my view, society is obligated to make sure that no one could complain that given his genetic profile, he would rather prefer not being born at all to living. To discharge this obligation, I argue, society should provide gene-based medical resources to help parents give birth to genetically healthy babies. Such provision is necessary for society to do what it owes to its members. I also argue that choosing an institutional scheme that respects the autonomy of family allows unequal distribution of resources, amounts to choosing a scheme that is unfair to those who are genetically inferior. Society should compensate for them. In the end, I suggest that in order not to fail to provide sufficient compensation, society might have to reduce the inequality of opportunity induced by the autonomy of family via genetic measures, despite that this is not what society owes to those who would come to exist with genetically inferior profiles.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 24 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


Author(s):  
Jacques de Jongh

Globalisation has had an unprecedented impact on the development and well-being of societies across the globe. Whilst the process has been lauded for bringing about greater trade specialisation and factor mobility many have also come to raise concerns on its impact in the distribution of resources. For South Africa in particular this has been somewhat of a contentious issue given the country's controversial past and idiosyncratic socio-economic structure. Since 1994 though, considerable progress towards its global integration has been made, however this has largely coincided with the establishment of, arguably, the highest levels of income inequality the world has ever seen. This all has raised several questions as to whether a more financially open and technologically integrated economy has induced greater within-country inequality (WCI). This study therefore has the objective to analyse the impact of the various dimensions of globalisation (economic, social and political) on inequality in South Africa. Secondary annual time series from 1990 to 2018 were used sourced from the World Bank Development indicators database, KOF Swiss Economic Institute and the World Inequality database. By using different measures of inequality (Palma ratios and distribution figures), the study employed two ARDL models to test the long-run relationships with the purpose to ensure the robustness of the results. Likewise, two error correction models (ECM) were used to analyse the short-run dynamics between the variables. As a means of identifying the casual effects between the variables, a Toda-Yamamoto granger causality analysis was utilised. Keywords: ARDL, Inequality, Economic Globalisation; Social Globalisation; South Africa


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benoît De Courson ◽  
Daniel Nettle

AbstractHumans sometimes cooperate to mutual advantage, and sometimes exploit one another. In industrialised societies, the prevalence of exploitation, in the form of crime, is related to the distribution of economic resources: more unequal societies tend to have higher crime, as well as lower social trust. We created a model of cooperation and exploitation to explore why this should be. Distinctively, our model features a desperation threshold, a level of resources below which it is extremely damaging to fall. Agents do not belong to fixed types, but condition their behaviour on their current resource level and the behaviour in the population around them. We show that the optimal action for individuals who are close to the desperation threshold is to exploit others. This remains true even in the presence of severe and probable punishment for exploitation, since successful exploitation is the quickest route out of desperation, whereas being punished does not make already desperate states much worse. Simulated populations with a sufficiently unequal distribution of resources rapidly evolve an equilibrium of low trust and zero cooperation: desperate individuals try to exploit, and non-desperate individuals avoid interaction altogether. Making the distribution of resources more equal or increasing social mobility is generally effective in producing a high cooperation, high trust equilibrium; increasing punishment severity is not.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-132
Author(s):  
Nitin Tagade ◽  
Sukhadeo Thorat

In India, the rural economy still remains crucially important in the economic wellbeing of the majority population. The low income and high poverty in rural areas are closely associated with unequal distribution of income-earning assets, particularly agricultural land and non-land capital assets. In this article, therefore, we try to understand the intergroup inequality in wealth ownership across caste, ethnic and religious groups in rural India based on the 2013 data from the All India Debt and Investment survey carried out by National Sample Survey Office. The results indicate high interpersonal wealth inequality so also the intergroup wealth inequality at the aggregate level and by type of assets in rural India. The impact of caste on the ownership of wealth clearly indicates high ownership among Hindu high caste and Hindu other backward caste at the cost of low wealth share or ownership of the SC/ST indicating the existence of graded inequality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Lee Nakyung ◽  
Im Tobin

Within the continuing economic downturn, our society has been facing rapid dichotomization and bi-polarization between groups which reinforces social inequality. Young (2011) states that social inequality should be viewed as a concept of oppression, not by the distribution of resources, which has been considered as a general indicator of social inequality. Following her argument, she suggests exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, and violence as sub-concepts of oppression. In this sense, this study uses the distribution of resources as an independent variable and the ‘perceived oppression’ presented by Young as a dependent variable to identify the role of social support as a factor that makes the difference between social-structural inequality and contextual inequality. Through hierarchical regression analyses and bootstrapping methods this paper looks at how the two different perspectives on inequality are related, and how the social support mediates the relationship between socio-economic position and perceived oppression. By shedding light on the meaning of socio-economic isolation of individuals, this study will contribute to the academia in searching for the alternatives to strengthen the stability of our society where the new paradigm of communication is being used to form network ties and corresponding sense of supports.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tariq Mahmood

This paper highlights the role of higher education for the economic growth inPakistan. We explore the impact of increase in enrolment at tertiary level on thegrowth rate of income per worker. Estimating a growth model developed byMankiv et. al. (1992), using the annual data of Pakistan, we find a robustrelationship between higher education and economic growth in the long run. Themodel has also shown that investment in fixed capital has positive impact oneconomic uplift. Applying Johansen’s cointegration test, we show that the longrun elasticity of income with respect to capital stock is different from its share inGDP, and increase in the enrolment per unit of effective worker helps inbolstering economic growth. But, like earlier literature we also find statisticallyinsignificant relationship between higher education and GDP per worker. Thereare some fundamental reasons concerning to the ambiguous impact of investingin human capital on economic growth, particularly in the short run in case ofPakistan. First, the sharp increase in enrollment, recently, has been damaging thequality of education. Second, the unequal distribution of educational services hasheld back the efficiency of public expenditures, particularly before the reformsundertaken by higher education commission. Third, the low private return ofeducation has limited the demand for higher education in Pakistan for almost fiftyyears.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Murtiyani ◽  
Hery Sasono ◽  
Dwi Condro Triono ◽  
Hanifah Zahra

This study aims to analyze and critically evaluate the implementation of the management of public ownership (Milkiyah 'ammah) and State ownership (Milkiyah Daulah) in Indonesia. This study descriptively describes the implementation of both ownerships that are currently practicing in Indonesia. Theoretical approaches used is the Islamic Economic System Madzhab Hamfara (Hadza Min fadzli Rabbi) who critically evaluate the implementation of the public wealth management and state wealth in Indonesia. This research used secondary data that was obtained from Madzhab Hamfara books, literature, journal and information relating to the Indonesian State assets management system. A comparative analysis was conducted to understand the difference between the public wealth management and state wealth management in Indonesia. Findings show that the management of both, public and state ownership are not in accordance to the ownership management approach of Madzhab Hamfara Islamic Economic System. The evidence suggests that both public and state ownership are not fully managed by the Government of Indonesia. The fact shows that public ownership in the form of water, fire and pastures are managed by individuals and institutions as well as foreign parties who have fund to privatize the public ownership. Consequently, it has the impact on unequal distribution of income that cause poverty in Indonesia. This research suggest that government should implement Islamic Economic System Madzhab Hamfara in managing public and state ownership in Indonesia. =========================================== Kajian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengevaluasi secara kritis penerapan pengelolaan kepemilikan umum (Milkiyah 'Ammah) dan kepemilikan negara (Milkiyah Daulah) di Indonesia. Studi ini menjelaskan secara deskriptif tentang implementasi pengelolaan kedua kepemilikan tersebut yang sekarang dipraktikkan di Indonesia. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Sistem Ekonomi Islam Madzhab Hamfara (Hadza Min fadzli Rabbi) yang secara kritis mengevaluasi implementasi pengelolaan kepemilikan umum dan negara di Indonesia. Kajian ini menggunakan data sekunder yang berasal buku-buku madzhab Hamfara, literatur, artikel jurnal dan informasi lainnya yang terkait dengan pengelolaan aset di Indonesia. Analisis perbandingan juga dilakukan untuk memahami perbedaan pengelolaan kepemilikan umum dan kepemilikan negara. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa pengelolaan kepemilikan, baik kepemilikan umum maupun negara di Indonesia, tidak dijalankan sesuai dengan sistem ekonomi Islam Madzhab Hamfara. Bukti-bukti menunjukkan bahwa pengelolaan kepemilikan publik dan negara tidak sepenuhnya dilakukan oleh negara. Fakta juga menunjukkan bahwa kepemilikan tersebut lebih banyak diserahkan kepada lembaga-lembaga privat bahkan lembaga-lembaga asing. Akibatnya, kesenjangan pendapatan yang menjadi pemicu kemiskinan terus terjadi. Kajian ini menyarankan agar pemerintah mengimplementasikan sistem ekonomi Islam Madzhab Hamfara dalam pengelolaan kepemilikan umum dan negara di Indonesia.


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