scholarly journals Ethnic Conflict between the Muslims and Christians in Nigeria: The Dilemma of Decision-Making of the Political Elites

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Ikechukwu Jacob
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Economic Implications ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Distribution Of Resources

This paper examines how ethnic conflict occurred as a result of actions or decisions made by either local  government, state or federal government in Nigeria. Ethnic conflict can be triggered due to various factors, such geographical proximity, group identity, deliberate manipulation of negative perceptions by political leaders, competition of resources, weakness of political institution transitions to democracy, and etc. However, the main focus of this paper is the implementation of Shari’a law in the Northern Nigeria and how the decisions and the implementations have led to blood-shed conflicts in the country. In general, a number of blood-shed events that occurred in Nigeria are also due to the process of decision-making by the political elites that could not fulfil the requirements of the respective ethnic groups. The implications had been overwhelmingly devastating in the country. Uncountable lives were lost via mayhem and blood-shed wars. Homes, shops and properties were destroyed. The economic implications of ethnic conflict have resulted in unequal distribution of resources among individual, groups and regions within the country. The growing economic disparities may increase the fear of those ethnic groups that are disadvantaged; this has warranted that the ignorant masses are often being remote and mobilized by the political class to engage in religious crisis in order to achieve their selfish political interests. In the same vein, similar ethnic based political movements have arisen in Nigeria. Therefore, decision-making is one source that could lead to ethnic conflict in a multi-cultural and ethnic country like Nigeria. Decision-making approach was used to examine the scene of conflict by focusing only on the religious conflict between Muslims and Christians in the country.

scholarly journals Identity and Identity Politics in Nigeria: A Reflection on the Indicators

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4(17)) ◽  
pp. 263-286
Author(s):  
Tope Shola Akinyetun
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Cultural Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Selfish Interest

Nigeria is a nation with plural ethnic, religious, lingual and cultural identities that are constantly exploited by the political class to promote their selfish interest. Although not a determinant forconflict, diversity in Nigeria has unjustifiably sparked identity-based conflicts which necessitateseparatism, insurgency and ethnic restiveness – among others, which threatens to drive the country to a perpetual state of fragility. This paper thence sought to assess Nigeria’s tortuous experience with identity and identity politics with particular reference to ethnic, religious, and lingual challenges. The paper furthers the discussion on identity politics in Nigeria to proffer practicable solutions. It argues that identity consciousness has overtaken national consciousness and engendered a relationship characterized by domination, superiority and hegemony by the various groups. It reveals that the currency of politics is an ethnic-hegemony-rivalry sentiment that threatens national integration. The paper reviews available literature on the subject matter from peer-reviewed journal articles, reports of reputable international organizations, working papers and newspaper articles. It concluded that identities have become powerful manipulative instruments in the hands of the political elites used to divide the Nigerian populace. It recommended the promotion of justice, equity and fairness in governance to ameliorate the chances of identity dissension and identity-based conflicts.

Ethnic Conflict and the Politics of Greed Rethinking Chimamanda Adichie's

Matatu ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Mdika Tembo
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Final Solution ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
State Collapse ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Ethnic Stereotypes ◽  
Group Loyalty ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Impact

The African continent today is laced with some of the most intractable conflicts, most of them based on ethnic nationalism. More often than not, this has led to poor governance, unequal distribution of resources, state collapse, high attrition of human resources, economic decline, and inter-ethnic clashes. This essay seeks to examine Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's through the lens of ethnic conflict. It begins by tracing the history and manifestations of ethnic stereotypes and ethnic cleavage in African imaginaries. The essay then argues that group loyalty in Nigeria led to the creation of 'biafranization' or 'fear of the Igbo factor' in the Hausa–Fulani and the various other ethnic groups that sympathized with them; a fear that crystallized into a thirty-month state-sponsored bulwark campaign aimed at finding a 'final solution' to a 'problem population'. Finally, the essay contends that Adichie's anatomizes the impact of ethnic cleavage on the civilian Igbo population during the Nigeria–Biafra civil war. Adichie, I argue, participates in an ongoing re-invention of how Africans can extinguish the psychology of fear that they are endangered species when they live side by side with people who do not belong to their 'tribe'.

QUALITY OF POLITICAL ELITE OF UKRAINE IN THE CONTEX OF DEMOCRATIC CHANGES

2019 ◽  
pp. 70-80
Author(s):  
Yu. V. Kobets ◽  
T. B. Madryha
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Cultural Revival ◽  
Elite Group ◽  
Basic Ideas ◽  
Political Economic

During the period of complexity of systemic reforms in modern Ukraine, the big importance of the qualities and actions of the political elite become on the first hand. Еhe ability to fulfill urgent tasks of democratic arrangement of different spheres of social life depends on these qualities and actions of the political elite. The article analyzes the problem of the quality of the political elite in Ukraine. The article proves the importance of forming a professional, effective, active, qualitative elite in the conditions of state building. The basic ideas of the founders of elitology are described, the content of the concepts "elite", "establishment", "political class" is revealed. The conclusions about the main stages of formation of political elites in Ukraine are made. It is proved that the process of forming a truly leading elite group is underway, which can unite the political, economic and cultural revival of our state.

scholarly journals KEWENANGAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM PROSES IMPEACHMENT PRESIDEN MENURUT SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fauzan
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Law

The authority of the Constitutional Court to adjudicate and decide upon the opinion of the House of Representatives that the President and/or vice  president has violated the law of treason to the state, corruption, bribery, other felonies, or moral turpitude, and/or that the President and /or Vice President no longer meets the conditions as President and/or Vice President are normative efforts to avoid a repeat of dismisal that are soley based on slander and suspicion which are only to satisfy the political interests of political elites. Key words : The authority of the Constitutional Court, Impeachment

scholarly journals Industrial Youth, Housing and Socialist Expertise in Late Socialist Romania

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-112
Author(s):  
Mara Mărginean
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Practices ◽  
Industrial Growth ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Global Trend ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
Circulation Of Knowledge ◽  
New Industrialization

Abstract This article examines the part played by foreign academic literature translated into Romanian during the 1970s. Dwelling on the activity of the Centre for the Study of Youth Problems (CSYP), it aims to highlight the national authorities’ efforts to mobilize youth for a new industrialization wave as part of an encompassing global trend of making the youth into an object of professionalized knowledge and policy. To this end, it analyses how the internationalization of expertise by transnational production and circulation of knowledge changed the Romanian scientific practices and recalibrated the experts’ visibility within the state’s decision-making processes. My contribution explores the shifting relationship between public housing and industrial growth as a foundation for socialist labour politics, the transnational emergence of a ‘rule of experts’, and the political interests around research on youths and their living conditions.

INTELSAT: Technology, politics and the transformation of a regime

1975 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 655-680 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven A. Levy
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Full Potential ◽  
International Scale ◽  
Use Of Technology ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Global Agency ◽  
Communications Satellites

The question arises whether “technological imperatives” or political considerations will guide the activity and determine the structure of regimes that support the use of technology on an international scale. In the case of communications satellites, the establishment of such a regime involves the search for structures that could satisfy technology and still remain responsive to political forces that desired to affect the decision-making process. The regime which has emerged resulted from the interplay of technology and politics. Initially it consisted of a single global agency, INTELSAT, but as the full potential of the technology became known, a single agency could not provide an adequate forum for the political interests that were associated with each new application that was discovered. Thus, the regime came to consist of a number of related organizations each dedicated to particular uses of the technology.

The Origins of Regional Autonomy in Indonesia: Experts and the Marketing of Political Interests

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith
Keyword(s):  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Potential Impact

This article argues that, in contrast with prevalent choice-theoretic accounts of institutional origins in new democracies, the passage of Indonesia's regional autonomy laws in 1999 took place despite the interests of powerful political actors rather than because of them. Lacking the past experience to calculate retrospectively the likely electoral payoff from supporting an effort to devolve political power to Indonesia's city and regency governments, New Order–era political elites in Jakarta gambled on the advice of a team of experts. The experts assured them that supporting the effort would give them strong and salient reformist credentials on the eve of free elections. The conclusion of the article suggests that the political origins of regional autonomy in Indonesia have broad implications for the understanding of institutional genesis in new democracies, and that the potential impact of expert advisers is a fruitful focus of future research.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

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