Emphasis spread in the Djelfa dialect of Algerian Arabic

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-307
Author(s):  
Khedidja Slimani
Keyword(s):  
Current Investigation ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Morpheme Boundary ◽  
Special Examination ◽  
The Right

Abstract The paper documents Emphasis spread in the Djelfa dialect (DJ) of Algerian Arabic with a special examination of the emphatic segments /sˤ/, /tˤ/ and /ðˤ/. If a given word contains an underlying emphatic segment, the nearby segments are also realized with emphasis. The dialect, however, differentiates two types of emphasis spread: unbounded leftward spread that propagates from the emphatic segment till the beginning of the phonological word; and bounded rightward spread that is blocked by a set of segments /i/, /j/, /ʃ/ and /ʒ/. Of particular interest in the current investigation is the behavior of emphasis spread (ES) with respect to morpheme boundaries. While the left morpheme edge is realized with ES, the right morpheme boundary is deemed resistant to ES unless an underlying emphatic segment falls prior to a -V(C) suffix. This is well captured by the interplay between the markedness constraints FAITH [RTR] SUFFIX and SHARE (RTR).

scholarly journals L2 acquisition of high vowel deletion in Quebec French

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Duarte Garcia ◽  
Heather Goad ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Lexical Stress ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Level ◽  
Quebec French ◽  
Vowel Deletion ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Phrase

In languages with lexical stress, stress is computed in the phonological word (PWd) and realized in the foot. In some of these languages, feet are constructed iteratively, yielding multiple stressed syllables in a PWd. English has this profile. In French, by contrast, the only position of obligatory prominence is the right-edge of the phonological phrase (PPh), regardless of how many lexical words it contains (Dell 1984). This has led some to analyze French "stress" as intonational prominence and French, in contrast to most languages, as foot-less (Jun & Fougeron 2000). In earlier work, we argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) motivates iterative iambic footing in Quebec French (QF), although the typical signatures of word-level stress are absent. In this paper, we examine the L2 acquisition of HVD and the prosodic constraints that govern it. We show that L2ers can acquire subtle aspects of the phonology of a second language, even at intermediate levels of proficiency.

scholarly journals The Effect of Aging on the Neural Correlates of Phonological Word Retrieval

2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (11) ◽  
pp. 2135-2146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Geva ◽  
P. Simon Jones ◽  
Jenny T. Crinion ◽  
Cathy J. Price ◽  
Jean-Claude Baron ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Differential Effect ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Neural Correlates ◽  
Word Retrieval ◽  
Cognitive Domains ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Word Task ◽  
Pars Triangularis ◽  
The Right

Age has a differential effect on cognition, with word retrieval being one of the cognitive domains most affected by aging. This study examined the functional and structural neural correlates of phonological word retrieval in younger and older adults using word and picture rhyme judgment tasks. Although the behavioral performance in the fMRI task was similar for the two age groups, the older adults had increased activation in the right pars triangularis across tasks and in the right pars orbitalis for the word task only. Increased activation together with preserved performance in the older participants would suggest that increased activation was related to compensatory processing. We validated this hypothesis by showing that right pars triangularis activation during correct rhyme judgments was highest in participants who made overall more errors, therefore being most error-prone. Our findings demonstrate that the effect of aging differ in adjacent but distinct right inferior frontal regions. The differential effect of age on word and picture tasks also provides new clues to the level of processing that is most affected by age in speech production tasks. Specifically, we suggest that right inferior frontal activation in older participants is needed to inhibit errors.

Feature spreading as dealignment: the distribution of [ç] and [x] in German

Phonology ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Noske
Keyword(s):  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Back Vowel ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Morpheme Boundary ◽  
Modern Standard

Prosodification processes like syllabification and foot parsing are often limited to a particular morphological constituent; i.e. they do not apply across a morpheme boundary. Prince & Smolensky (1993) present a new interpretation of this phenomenon which identifies the edge of a morphological constituent, rather than the morphological constituent as such, as opaque to prosodification. On their view, the morphological boundedness of processes that erect metrical structure reflects the desire for a grammatical constituent edge to coincide with the edge of a prosodic constituent, formalised as ALIGN(GCat-Edge 1, PCat-Edge 1) in their theory. Since prosodification across a morpheme boundary results in a mismatch between the edges of a prosodic and a morphological constituent, it is blocked whenever alignment is obeyed.In this paper I claim that not only prosodification processes but also feature spreading is subject to pressure from an alignment constraint, and so is avoided. The case in point is dorsal fricative assimilation in Modern Standard German. Dorsal fricative assimilation does not apply across a compound boundary or to the dorsal fricative of the diminutive suffix -chen, which, though morphologically a suffix, is prosodically a separate phonological word of German (Noske 1990, Iverson & Salmons 1992, Borowsky 1993, Wiese 1996). Bringing Itô & Mester's (in press) notion of crisp alignment to bear on the analysis, I argue that the application of fricative assimilation is constrained by CRISPEDGE(PrWd), which requires the prosodic word to have sharply defined boundaries. Since spreading from a word-final back vowel to the initial dorsal of the following word results in a blurred word edge, it is ruled out, because CRISPEDGE(PrWd) is ranked higher than the constraint governing spreading.

Advancement of Hand Sanitizer gel for Killing Bacteria using Natural Extracts of leaves of Carica Papaya

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL4) ◽  
pp. 772-776
Author(s):  
Sravani G ◽  
Pratyusha ◽  
Akila ◽  
Malini Evangeline Rose
Keyword(s):  
Carica Papaya ◽  
The Body ◽  
Hand Washing ◽  
Surface Site ◽  
Current Investigation ◽  
Site Structure ◽  
Hand Sanitizer ◽  
Natural Extracts ◽  
Transmission Chain ◽  
The Right

The hand hygiene is an imperative rule and exercise in anticipation, control, and decrease of medical services obtained infections. The right hand washing and drying strategies stop the transmission chain of lethal microorganisms (from defiled surface/site) structure hands to different pieces of the body. The hand sanitization is superior support in preventing infections caused by various microorganisms and to get this, the utilization of hand sanitizer gets must in late conditions. The motivation behind the current investigation was to plan homegrown froth hand sanitizer joining the leaves concentrate of leaves of Carica papaya with multidimensional exercises. The definition is assessed against predefined microorganism (Candida albicans & Staphylococcusaure us) by culture affectability test. This detailing will be as froth. The explanation for consolidation of papaya leaves separate in froth detailing is that froth hand sanitizer doesn't effectively slide off the hands such as gel hand sanitizer. Likewise, froth sanitizer is simpler to spread around the hands. The extract of leaves of Carica papaya  will be incorporated in the formulation. Papaya leaves are possible antibacterial that can be utilized in specific type off oods.

The phonological status of Low tones in Shanghai tone sandhi

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-45
Author(s):  
Yasunori Takahashi
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Interpretation ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
The Third ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Disyllabic Words ◽  
Pitch Contours ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Low Tone ◽  
The Right

Abstract In Shanghai tone sandhi, with the exception of T5 (yangru) sandhi, a pitch-fall occurs at the second or third syllable of a phonological word (or a sandhi domain). Previous analyses argue that this is invoked by the insertion of a default Low tone to satisfy the Well-formedness Condition of the autosegmental theory. However, in the framework of the present autosegmental theory, that condition is no longer necessarily satisfied, and an alternative interpretation, adopting a boundary Low tone, has been suggested. To evaluate the appropriateness of the default and boundary interpretations, we compared pitch contours among di- to tetrasyllabic words in greater detail. The results show that, in T1 to T4 sandhi, disyllabic words tend to have lower pitch contours than tri- and tetrasyllabic words at the first and second syllables, and that, in tetrasyllables, minimum pitch values were constantly attested at the third syllable. These results indicate that in Shanghai tone sandhi, a boundary Low tone is assigned at the right edge of a phonological word, and it is further associated with the third syllable in tetrasyllables. This boundary interpretation further gives an appropriate explanation of the difference of the pitch-fall between Middle and New Shanghai.

scholarly journals The right posterior inferior frontal gyrus contributes to phonological word decisions in the healthy brain: Evidence from dual-site TMS

2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (10) ◽  
pp. 3155-3163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gesa Hartwigsen ◽  
Cathy J. Price ◽  
Annette Baumgaertner ◽  
Gesine Geiss ◽  
Maria Koehnke ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Inferior Frontal Gyrus ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
The Right ◽  
Dual Site

Germanic *ƀra (PIE *pro) as ditropic clitic and the etymology of *ƀrenga-, *ƀrūka- and *ƀraiđ̯a-

2019 ◽  
Vol 124 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Daniel Kölligan
Keyword(s):  
Phonological Word ◽  
Verner's Law ◽  
The Right

Abstract It is argued that the Germanic forms *ƀrenga- ‘bring’, *ƀrūka- ‘use, enjoy’ and *ƀrai̯đa- ‘broad’ contain an element *ƀra which is the “ditropic” variant of Gmc. *fra < PIE *pro. It arose by Verner’s Law when *fra was enclitic and formed a phonological word with a preceding lexeme, while being syntactically and semantically oriented towards its host on the right. The same behavior may be seen in Germanic *ham- and *ǥa- as continuants of PIE *kom.

scholarly journals The prosodic representation of composite structures in Brazilian Portuguese

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATÁLIA BRAMBATTI GUZZO
Keyword(s):  
Composite Structures ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Stress Pattern ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Secondary Stress ◽  
Domain Specific ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Additional Domain ◽  
The Right ◽  
Stress Patterns

In previous research, word–word compounds and stressed affix + word structures have been assigned to the same prosodic domain in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), on account of certain similarities in phonological behaviour (Silva 2010, Toneli 2014): both types of composite structures undergo vowel raising at the right edge of each element in the construction, and vowel sandhi processes between their elements. In this paper, I show that word–word compounds and stressed affix + word structures exhibit significant differences in stress patterns in BP, which supports their prosodization in two separate domains. While stressed affix + word structures are assigned secondary stress following the phonological word (PWd) stress algorithm, each element in word–word compounds behaves as an independent PWd with regard to the stress pattern that it exhibits. I thus propose that while stressed affix + word structures are recursively prosodized in the PWd domain, word–word compounds are prosodized in the composite group, the domain proposed by Vogel (2008, 2009) that immediately dominates the PWd and accounts for the prosodization of structures with compositional characteristics. The analysis reconciles two views on prosodic structure that are traditionally assumed to be mutually exclusive: the view that prosodic domains can be recursive (e.g. Inkelas 1990, Selkirk 1996) and the view that the prosodic hierarchy includes an additional domain specific to composite structures above the PWd (e.g. Vogel 2009, Vigário 2010).

scholarly journals distribution of trimoraic syllables in German and English as evidence for the phonological word

2000 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 41-90
Author(s):  
Tracy A. Hall
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
The Third ◽  
Phonological Word ◽  
Level 1 ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Lexical Phonology ◽  
Formal Point

In the present article I discuss the distribution of trimoraic syllables in German and English. The reason I have chosen to analyze these two languages together is that the data in both languages are strikingly similar. However, although the basic generalization in (1) holds for both German and English, we will see below that trimoraic syllabIes do not have an identical distribution in both languages. In the present study I make the following theoretical claims. First, I argue that the three environments in (1) have a property in common: they all describe the right edge of a phonological word (or prosodic word; henceforth pword). From a formal point of view, I argue that a constraint I dub the THIRD MORA RESTRICTION (henceforth TMR), which ensures that trimoraic syllables surface at the end of a pword, is active in German and English. According to my proposal trimoraic syllables cannot occur morpheme-internally because monomorphemic grammatical words like garden are parsed as single pwords. Second, I argue that the TMR refers crucially to moraic structure. In particular, underlined strings like the ones in (1) will be shown to be trimoraic; neither skeletal positions nor the subsyllabic constituent rhyme are necessary. Third, the TMR will be shown to be violated in certain (predictable) pword-internal cases, as in Monde and chamber; I account for such facts in an OptimalityTheoretic analysis (henceforth OT; Prince & Smolensky 1993) by ranking various markedness constraints among themselves or by ranking them ahead of the TMR. Fourth, I hold that the TMR describes a concrete level of grammar, which I refer to below as the 'surface' representation. In this respect, my treatment differs significantly from the one proposed for English by Borowsky (1986, 1989), in which the English facts are captured in a Lexical Phonology model by ordering the relevant constraint at level 1 in the lexicon.  

Investor-State Dispute Settlement under NAFTA Chapter 11: The Shape of Things to Come?

1998 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 263-290
Author(s):  
J. Anthony VanDuzer
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
Minimum Standards ◽  
The North ◽  
State Behaviour ◽  
Nafta Chapter 11 ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

SummaryRecently, there has been a proliferation of international agreements imposing minimum standards on states in respect of their treatment of foreign investors and allowing investors to initiate dispute settlement proceedings where a state violates these standards. Of greatest significance to Canada is Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which provides both standards for state behaviour and the right to initiate binding arbitration. Since 1996, four cases have been brought under Chapter 11. This note describes the Chapter 11 process and suggests some of the issues that may arise as it is increasingly resorted to by investors.

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