European Strategic Autonomy: The Test Case of Iran

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-477
Author(s):  
Sascha Lohmann
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Test Case ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Special Purpose Vehicle ◽  
The Face ◽  
Global Peace ◽  
Security Actor ◽  
Strategic Autonomy

Abstract The ideal of the European Union (EU) as a global peace and security actor is increasingly clashing with the reality of a multipolar world defined by militarised conflict, and a loosening of the formerly close trans-Atlantic relationship with the United States. European policy-makers have identified strategic autonomy as a possible remedy in the face of a growing number of internal and external security threats. This paper adds to the conceptualisation of strategic autonomy by contextualising its current usage and political genealogy. Empirically, European strategic autonomy is examined concerning the efforts to preserve the Iranian nuclear deal after the Trump administration had ceased US participation in May 2018. In particular, the paper assesses the European response to counter the re-imposed unilateral United States (US) sanctions against European individuals and entities by updating the so-called blocking regulation, and setting up a special purpose vehicle (spv) for facilitating trade with Iran. The results show that the European struggle toward achieving strategic autonomy has largely failed, but that it holds valuable lessons to approximate this ideal in the future.

scholarly journals The Limits of the EU as a Peace and Security Actor in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meike Froitzheim ◽  
Fredrik Söderbaum ◽  
Ian Taylor
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Test Case ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Organizational Complexity ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
Global Peace ◽  
Security Actor ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) is increasingly aspiring to be a global peace and security actor. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) as a test case to analyse such ambitions, this article reveals that the EU's attempts to build peace and security are severely compromised by its bureaucratic and organizational complexity as well as by its ineffective policies. In fact, the EU's state-centred approach in the DRC has resulted in the EU's inability to deal with 1) the realities of governance in the DRC and 2) the strong trans-border dimensions of the conflict. As a result, the EU continues to lack a coherent strategy for the DRC, despite a large budget. The analysis concludes that the EU is more concerned with establishing a symbolic presence and a form of representation than with achieving specific goals.

Restoring Discipline in the Ranks

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 6-24
Author(s):  
Kevin Young
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Test Case ◽  
Development Bank ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Revolutionary Nationalism ◽  
Loan Program ◽  
The Face ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The 1960S

The Triangular Plan of the 1960s was a key moment in the rightward shift of the Bolivian Revolution (1952–1964). Billed by the United States, West Germany, and the Inter-American Development Bank as a generous loan program to “rehabilitate” the Bolivian tin mines, the plan also gave its architects a chance to discipline Bolivian workers, further privatize the Bolivian economy, and test the usefulness of conditional economic aid in containing revolutionary nationalism. From an analysis of the Triangular Plan it is possible to draw three major conclusions about postwar U.S. policy with regard to Latin America: (1) independent nationalism and popular militancy, rather than Soviet-style Communism, were the primary fears of policy makers; (2) the response to the Bolivian Revolution was not, as some have implied, indicative of benign intentions in the face of revolutionary nationalism; and (3) Bolivia often served as a “test case” or laboratory for policy measures.

scholarly journals Scaling Commercial Law in Indian Country

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-140
Author(s):  
Marc Lane Roark
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Growth ◽  
The United States ◽  
Commercial Law ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Scarce Resources ◽  
Indian Country ◽  
Secured Transactions ◽  
The Face ◽  
Indian Tribes

How do you drive economic enterprise in a financial desert? Indian tribes, academics, economists, and policy makers have considered the means and methods for energizing economic growth for forty years. Efforts such as the creation and promotion of the Model Tribal Secured Transactions Act (“MTSTA”) promise much toward creating conditions that would gather financial opportunity to tribal regions that experience poverty at a strikingly higher rate than any other place in the United States. And yet, while the law has been available for more than ten years, tribes have been reticent to adopt it. This Article fills the vacuum in the literature around the promise of uniform laws in Indian Country by describing the inherent tension that exists between downscaling uniform laws into tribal contexts and the localism that seeks to preserve localized values. This Article argues that tribal choices to accept uniformity or reject uniformity in these areas are built around a combination of formal associations and organic relationships designed to create “institutional thickness” in the face of other scarce resources.

scholarly journals CHALLENGES TO THE SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE UNITED KINGDOM THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE ACTIONS OF PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN AND PRIME MINISTER BORIS JOHNSON

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 159-173
Author(s):  
Zuzanna Ptaszynska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Face ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
International Engagement

The United States and the United Kingdom have special political, economic, military and cultural relations. The new American administration is restoring priority to multilateralism and old alliances, and the British authorities have announced an expansion of international engagement. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the fight against climate change, the growth of China’s influence, and threats to cybersecurity are the biggest international challenges in the view of both states. The US and the UK urge other states to jointly take responsibility and work out solutions to the world’s most crucial problems. The United Kingdom left the European Union in January 2020 and, in line with the rhetoric of the government, it regained a sovereign foreign policy. US-UK relations could deepen but new troubles appeared, for example the need to negotiate a new trade deal. However, the differences between Joe Biden and Boris Johnson are less important in the face of common interests, as evidenced by the signing of a new Atlantic Charter by both leaders in June 2021 or increasing joint engagement in the Indo-Pacific region.

scholarly journals Doubtful Ally or Ally Full of Doubts? The Course of Transatlantic Relations under Donald Trump’s Presidency

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-23
Author(s):  
Sylwia K. Mazur
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
The Face ◽  
Commission President ◽  
Post War ◽  
Paris Climate Agreement

Donald Trump’s “America-fi rst” diplomacy has undermined the foundations of many alliances, including a transatlantic relationship on which post-war liberal order would rest. Under the current American presidency, EU–US relations are facing signifi cant challenges whose implications are still far from clear. The list of discrepancies between the allies are growing ever longer and the American administration’s decisions are antithetical to those taken by Brussels and other European capitals. Divisions, among other things, have occurred over policies towards the Paris Climate Agreement, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and the Middle East approach. The special relationship between Europe and United States can no longer be taken for granted. In this presented paper, the author has looked beyond current political disagreements in order to focus on the long term factors underlying the “special relationship”. The rationale behind this research is the dawn of great power politics that happens during the transition from uni-to-multipolar order. America’s disengagement from (and defunding of) the global scene means that the European Union will have to adjust to a world with numerous centres of power and different sources of threat. Ursula von der Leyen announced, upon assuming office in December 2019, that she would lead a “geopolitical Commission” engaged in tackling global challenges. All of this in the face of the fi rst American administration in post-war history that opposes European integration. Due to the space limit (and deservedness for sole attention), the security and defence dimension of transatlantic cooperation will only be briefly mentioned. Regardless of any comments made by former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker that the European Union will not create an alternative model to NATO1, the creation of a Permanent Structure Cooperation (PESCO) and the establishing of a European Defence Fund cannot be omitted. Enhanced European defence will be essential for a “healthy transatlantic partnership with the United States”2. That partnership will, almost certainly, become more transactional.

scholarly journals Abuse of Dominant Market Position by Predatory Pricing; The Valio Case

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Aarne Puisto ◽  
Hamed Alavi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Predatory Pricing ◽  
Market Position ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
The Face ◽  
Dominant Market Position ◽  
The Eu

This article analyses the competition law related to abuse of a dominant market position using strategy of predatory pricing by undertakings in the European Union and, compares the same situation to the United States’ predatory pricing law. The purpose of this article is to survey predatory pricing as a phenomenon both within and outside the EU. Article is largely centered on the case of Valio, which is still awaiting final judgment from the Supreme Administrative Court of Finland. This case was chosen as it is extremely topical and has several unique features. The findings proved that undertakings who achieved their dominant position before the recession have significant advantage over smaller undertakings. However, they cannot necessarily afford to act on the same basis for long, which is why a model closer to that of the United States would be of benefit to control some behaviors of these undertakings. Bearing in mind that the Valio case is examined under EU law, it will be interesting to see if its judgement will be remembered as the ‘milk fallacy’ or if it will change the face of the case law as it currently stands.

scholarly journals Abuse of Dominant Market Position by Predatory Pricing; The Valio Case

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Aarne Puisto ◽  
Hamed Alavi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Predatory Pricing ◽  
Market Position ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
The Face ◽  
Dominant Market Position ◽  
The Eu

This article analyses the competition law related to abuse of a dominant market position using strategy of predatory pricing by undertakings in the European Union and, compares the same situation to the United States’ predatory pricing law. The purpose of this article is to survey predatory pricing as a phenomenon both within and outside the EU. Article is largely centered on the case of Valio, which is still awaiting final judgment from the Supreme Administrative Court of Finland. This case was chosen as it is extremely topical and has several unique features. The findings proved that undertakings who achieved their dominant position before the recession have significant advantage over smaller undertakings. However, they cannot necessarily afford to act on the same basis for long, which is why a model closer to that of the United States would be of benefit to control some behaviors of these undertakings. Bearing in mind that the Valio case is examined under EU law, it will be interesting to see if its judgement will be remembered as the ‘milk fallacy’ or if it will change the face of the case law as it currently stands.

Verán ustedes las chozas más humildes. El discurso de pobreza en la diplomacia pública cardenista dirigida a Estados Unidos

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Deal ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The New Deal

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.

Russian Federation and the United States of America: geostrategic directions to manage the Ukrainian crisis

2019 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
National Security ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
Zero Sum

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT FRENCH FOREIGN POLICY ACTIVITY

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
French Foreign Policy

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article

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