Understanding Iran’s Green Movement as a ‘movement of movements’

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 144-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Navid Pourmokhtari

This paper examines how oppositional groups go about exploiting opportunities to mobilizeen massein settings that are less than auspicious. The Green Movement is used here as a case study, the aim of which is to show that understanding how a people go about mobilizing requires, first and foremost, examining the core beliefs that motivate them toseize opportunitieswhen conditions allow. To this end, a constructivist approach will be used to demonstrate that it was the oppositional forces that took a proactive role in constructing opportunities to mobilize becausethey perceivedthe circumstances to be favorable, which suggests that greater attention ought to be focused on the sociopolitical and historical context within which a given situation is viewed as conducive to mass mobilization. Citing the examples of the student and women’s groups involved in Iran’s Green Movement, and tracing their historical trajectories and particular experiences during Ahmadinejad’s first term (2004–2008), I argue that the Green Movement may be best described as a ‘movement of movements,’ the kind of mega social movement capable of harnessing the potential, not only of Iranians but of other Middle East peoples, to mobilize with a view to pursuing specific social and political goals. This approach has the virtue of offeringa way to understandspecific traits of social movements operating in repressive settings.

1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 564-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter North

Touraine's method of Sociological Intervention (SI) for the analysis of social movements is examined in the light of a case study of Local Exchange Trading Schemes (LETS). Tempered by Melucci's critique of Touraine's attempt to find one ‘higher’ meaning of a social movement, LETS was examined using a staged series of focus groups to uncover and illuminate the extent that LETS can be regarded as a social movement. The appropriateness of SI as a method within the resource constraints of a small study is discussed, and SI is recommended as an effective method of examining emerging social movements if triangulated with other methodological approaches.


1995 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah P. Dick ◽  
Dolores Gallagher-Thompson

The purpose of this case study is to describe, in detail, a systematic approach that was used to modify a long-standing dysfunctional schema in a depressed female outpatient over the age of 60. In our opinion, this paper addresses a gap in the current cognitive therapy literature which contains very little description of methods for schema change. The client, Mrs. A., was depressed as a result of caring for her elderly mother who was suffering from advanced Alzheimer’s disease. She first received a 20-session course of treatment for her depression which focused on goals such as reducing guilt, setting limits, and making some time for her personal needs. After attaining these goals, she was given the opportunity to participate in an intense program of 18 additional individual sessions to evaluate and revise a key core belief, using an adaptation of Young’s (1990) method of the Historical Test of Schemas. This core belief was stated as follows: “In order to alleviate my feelings of inferiority, I must be all things to everyone.” Mrs. A was able to discuss the origin and the maintenance of this schema throughout her life, and she also was able to revise it in a way that allowed her to be more accepting of herself and her abilities.


ijd-demos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Maharani ◽  
Nadika Muhammad Ardiansyah ◽  
Rista Bella Annisa ◽  
Zidan Hizbullah

AbstractIn this era of globalization, technology is increasingly being used in all areas of life which has a major impact on social interactions among people. This is marked by the existence of social changes in communication carried out by the community both directly and in cyberspace through digital platforms such as social media applications. Over time, the use of digital platforms is not only used as a means of communication, but is also used in carrying out a digital-based social movement called a digital movement. Like the presence of the Instagram account @aliskamugemash as the embodiment of a digital-based social movement in exploring and preventing the emergence of fraud victims from online dating applications. The research we conducted used a descriptive qualitative approach. With the aim of research to examine and in-depth analysis related to social movements and collective behavior with the @aliskamugemash Instagram account case study. The results found various interactions or movements of Instagram users who participated in voicing and disseminating information to all women to be more careful, as well as to avoid similar incidents from happening to other women.Keywords: digital social movements, sexual crimes, digital platforms, fraud. Abstrak Pada era globalisasi ini teknologi semakin gencar digunakan dalam segala bidang kehidupan yang kemudian pun berdampak besar pula pada interaksi sosial di antara masyarakat. Hal ini ditandai dengan adanya perubahan sosial dalam berkomunikasi yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat baik dilakukan secara langsung maupun dengan dunia maya melalui platform digital seperti aplikasi sosial media. Seiring berkembangnya waktu, penggunaan platform digital tidak semata-mata hanya digunakan sebagai alat berkomunikasi saja, namun dimanfaatkan pula dalam melakukan sebuah pergerakan sosial berbasis digital yang disebut digital movement. Seperti hadirnya akun Instagram @aliskamugemash sebagai perwujudan sebuah gerakan sosial berbasis digital dalam mengupas dan mencegah munculnya korban penipuan dari aplikasi kencan online. Penelitian yang kami lakukan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Dengan tujuan penelitian untuk menelaah dan analisis mendalam terkait gerakan sosial dan perilaku kolektif yang dengan studi kasus akun Instagram @aliskamugemash. Hasilnya ditemukan beragam interaksi ataupun gerakan para pengguna instagram yang ikutserta menyuarakan dan menyebarluaskan informasi kepada seluruh perempuan untuk lebih berhati-hati, juga menghindari kejadian serupa berulang pada perempuan lainnya. Kata kunci: gerakan sosial digital, kejahatan seksual, platform digital, penipuan.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xu Wang ◽  
Yu Ye ◽  
Chris King-chi Chan

Few studies have examined the role of space in social movements. The existing studies have primarily emphasized the physical nature of space (e.g., space as distance) and overlooked other attributes of space, such as space as the materialization of power relations and space as lived experience. In this article, we explore the role of space in social movements based on a case study of the Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. During the protest, the organizers occupied and reconfigured the campuses and mobilized the participants both through and in space. We find that the campus space helped stimulate the feelings and emotions of the students and increased their enthusiasm to participate in the demonstration. The participants were then sent from the campuses (mobilization spaces) to the demonstration spaces where they occupied and transformed the urban public spaces into private spaces, thus leading to contention over and of space with the state powers. Our findings reveal that the campus space is an important resource that organizers can use for mobilization. We also find that the special features of a campus, including aggregation, networks, isolation, and homogeneity, can facilitate the formation of social movements. We argue that the three attributes of space interact with one another in facilitating the social movement. Thus, our findings suggest that space acts as not only the vessel of struggle but also a useful tool and a target of struggle.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-511
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Takovski

AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez

This article explains the failure of Pegida Austria as a social movement organization by testing three prominent theories of social movement theory: political opportunity structures, ideology, and resource mobilization. The failure of Pegida to play a role in Austrian politics is ascribed to the dominant role the Freedom Party (FPÖ) already plays in the Austrian parliament, the FPÖ’s issue dominance on anti-immigration and Islamophobia in public discourse, and the relative scarcity of individuals capable of mass mobilization outside the spectrum of political parties. The analysis is based on a crucial-case study that does a comparative content analysis of the FPÖ and Pegida platforms to assess the ideology argument. The political opportunity and human resource arguments are analyzed with process tracing. The findings reveal that all three theories jointly help to explain the failure of Pegida Austria.


1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hank Johnston ◽  
David A. Snow

It is widely recognized that subcultural organization provides fertile soil for the development of social movements. There has not, however, been a systematic analysis of how different subcultures may be configured and what characteristics may encourage or inhibit mobilization. This paper takes an initial step in that direction by suggesting a typology of subcultures based on the degree of congruency of subcultural values and behaviors with the those of the dominant culture. We examine two subcultural types which are particularly relevant to social movement development: accommodative subcultures and oppositional subcultures. By drawing on interviews with activists in the former Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic, we specify the conditions by which accommodative and oppositional subcultures exist and are successfully transformed into social movements. We trace the evolution from an accommodative subculture under Stalinist terror to an oppositional subculture as state repression lessened under Krushchev's liberalizations, to mass mobilization of the Estonian independence movement in the late 1980s.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-112
Author(s):  
Mibtadin Mibtadin

The urban sufism movement namely Hubbun Nabi becomes an interesting phenomenon since it emerges in the midst of Islamic-militant religious movement which is symptomatic in Sukoharjo. Hubbun Nabi represents the unity of many denominations whose Islamic understandings are Ahlussunnah wal Jama’ah (Aswaja) of Nahdliyin in Sukoharjo. It carries a moderate religious style. This research portrayed the style of moderate religiosity which is developed by Majlis Dzikir and Sholawat Hubbun Nabi. It was a descriptive-qualitative research. The techniques of collecting data are direct observation on the activities of Majlis Dzikir and Sholawat Hubbun Nabi, in-depth interview to Kyai Abdulloh Faishol, and documentation. Data was analyzed by reducing and displaying data, then drawing conclusion. Data validation was processed through triangulation method and informant review. Sukoharjo is one of the important cities for it has long been the basis of radical and moderate movements. One of the local movements in Sukoharjo whose rapid development was Majlis Dzikir and Sholawat Hubbun Nabi. The core values carried out by Hubbun Nabi movement are moderatism and tolerance, open-mindness, respecting plurality, and anti-fanaticism. Hubbun Nabi has indeed a significant role in the process of de-radicalization of the religious movement through transforming the values into the wider community. Hubbun promotes moderate Islam, the theology of humanity as a form of the “smiling of Islam.”


Author(s):  
Febri Yanto

A social movement has various bases, one of them is religion. In the context of a social movement basic, religion can be an effective medium to mobilize people. Religion has a significant element to do the structural-developmental framing (framing process). The framing process can form a core of a moment and an event becoming a valuable experience. This experience will be organized to guide of doing an action. This research analyzes how the structure and the framing process that are done by two Islamic radical/extreme groups. While others analyze the framing structure from the media perspective, this research sees the actor of its social movement by taking the case study of Islamic radical organization namely Jama’ah Ansharu Khilafah Daulah Nusantara (JADKN) and Jamaah Ansharusy Syariahi (JAS). This research uses a qualitative method by doing an interview and document study as the technique of collecting the data. The result shows that other than similarity, these differences are found relating to the framing process and the structure executed by these two Islamic radical groups even though they are identified as the radical group as well.


2017 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Navid Pourmokhtari

Michel Foucault has inspired a rich body of work in the field of critical social theory and the social sciences in general. Few scholars working in the area of social movement studies, however, have applied a Foucauldian perspective to examining the twin phenomena of social mobilization and collective action. This may stem, in large part, from the commonly held assumption that Foucault had far more to say about ‘regimes of power’ than ever about mobilization and collective action or contention politics in general. Be that as it may, a close interrogation of his work reveals the broad contours of a theoretical framework for analyzing social movements whose chief merit lies in a sensitivity to the sociopolitical context within which oppositional movements form, develop and conduct their operations.     This paper aims at delineating what a Foucauldian model of social movements would entail, with specific reference to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), a region traditionally consigned to the margins of social movement studies. An enquiry of this kind is important because, as I argue, the leading mainstream social movement theories that have been applied to contemporary MENA cases invariably fall short of fully elucidating the phenomenon of mass mobilization. Specifically, leading mainstream theories are prone to certain universalistic assumptions and ‘West-centric’ orientations that render them incapable of accounting for the specificities of MENA cases. I shall demonstrate how a Foucauldian perspective on social movements can bypass the problem of applicability to the MENA region by mapping out a theoretical framework whose chief merit lies in a sensitivity to the sociopolitical context within which oppositional movements form, develop and conduct their operations. At the same time, I argue that a Foucauldian model transcends social movement theories with their linear conception of social and political progress, their exclusivist understanding of sociopolitical ‘development’ and ‘modernist’ assumptions by advancing an account of ‘multiple modernities.’


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