Decent Work for Domestic Workers in Argentina

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-213
Author(s):  
Lorena Poblete

Abstract Informality characterized domestic work in Argentina. Only 24% of domestic workers are formal workers. Therefore, informality became the target for transforming domestic work into “decent work,” following the International Labor Organization’s agenda. Looking at three different state institutions participating in this transformation—the Argentine Congress, National Tax Agency and Domestic Work Tribunal, this article seeks to understand how the notion of informality and the conceptualization of this particular labor relationship condition institutional responses. Thus, the article shows that in order to expand domestic workers’ rights, the three institutions focus on one particular working-time arrangement: full-time work. As a result, domestic workers working a few hours per week for several employers do not access the same protections, and are only marginally included within the scope of the law. For them, decent work seems to be unattainable.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Kartika Dewi Mulyanto

The existence of domestic workers or better known as domestic workers is no stranger to the life of Indonesian society. Domestic worker is a job that provides services to a family to do homework such as cooking, cleaning house, washing clothes and others. However, because there is no regulation that regulates domestic workers maximally, and there are often different degrees between employers and workers, there is a lot of violence against domestic workers. In 2011, the International Labor Organization issued an ILO Convention No. 189 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers. This Convention as evidence that domestic workers need to be legally protected as human beings with human rights. Based on the result of the research, it can be concluded that the act of ratification of ILO Convention No. 189 of 2011 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers needs to be done, in an effort to increase the protection of domestic workers' rights law, to increase the economy of domestic workers, and to raise the social status of domestic workers Indonesia. Abstrak Keberadaan pekerja rumah tangga atau yang lebih dikenal sebagai pembantu rumah tangga sudah tidak asing lagi dalam kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Pekerja rumah tangga merupakan suatu pekerjaan yang memberikan jasa kepada suatu keluarga untuk mengerjakan pekerjaan rumah seperti memasak, membersihakan rumah, mencuci baju dan yang lainnya. Namun karena belum ada regulasi yang mengatur pekerja rumah tangga secara maksimal, dan sering terjadi perbedaan derajat antara majikan dan pekerja, maka banyak terjadi kekerasan terhadap pekerja rumah tangga. Pada tahun 2011, International Labour Organization mengeluarkan suatu Konvensi ILO Nomor 189 tentang Pekerjaan yang Layak bagi Pekerja Rumah Tangga. Konvensi ini sebagai bukti bahwa pekerja rumah tangga perlu mendapat perlindungan secara hukum sebagai manusia yang memiliki hak asasi manusia. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat disimpulkan bahwa tindakan ratifikasi Konvensi ILO Nomor 189 tahun 2011 tentang Pekerjaan yang Layak bagi Pekerja Rumah Tangga perlu dilakukan, sebagai upaya peningkatan perlindungan hukum hak-hak pekerja rumah tangga, peningkatkan ekonomi pekerja rumah tangga, serta menaikkan status sosial pekerja rumah tangga Indonesia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 156-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer N. Fish

AbstractPaid household labor has fertilized the development of national economies, while also nourishing the capitalist labor systems that has allowed globalization to thrive. However, this transnational sector has remained historically invisible, devalued, and unprotected from national and international legislative frameworks. In 2010, the International Labor Organization (ILO) finally embraced this challenge through two years of negotiations on the world's first international convention to assure “Decent Work for Domestic Workers.” These tripartite debates set the stage for the largest inclusion of “actual workers” in policy making. The debates also mobilized the world's first international domestic workers’ movement. This report from the field highlights a distinct process whereby workers themselves played a pivotal role in the creation of international labor policy. According to International Domestic Workers Federation president Myrtle Witbooi, this “new beginning” set “a benchmark for decent work and social equality.”


2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 250-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adelle Blackett

The International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the Decent Work for Domestic Workers Convention, 2011 (No. 189) (the Domestic Workers Convention or Convention), as supplemented by an accompanying non-binding Recommendation (No. 201), on June 16, 2011. Both instruments were immediately hailed as historic. Two years later, on September 5, 2013, the Domestic Workers Convention entered into force, thus bringing the fifty-three to 100 million predominantly women workers—many of whom are migrants—squarely within the corpus of international labor law, with due attention paid to the specificity of their human rights claims.


2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (4) ◽  
pp. 778-794 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adelle Blackett

The international landscape on the regulation of domestic work is changing dramatically. At the hundredth session of the International Labour Conference (ILC) in June 2011, the International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the historic Decent Work for Domestic Workers Convention, 2011 (No. 189) and accompanying Recommendation No. 201. These new international labor standards come sixty-three years after the ILO adopted its first resolution on the conditions of employment of domestic workers and forty-six years after its second such resolution, which recalled the "urgent need" for standards "compatible with the self-respect and human dignity which are essential to social justice" for domestic workers. The robust, comprehensive international norms were adopted after two decades in which the ILO's standard setting has been deeply criticized and its tripartite structure repeatedly challenged to become more representative. Since additional critique of the ILO standards system emerged at the ILC's 101st session in 2012, it would be an overstatement to suggest that the new instruments reflect an unequivocally positive trend in standard setting. Even so, they offer a critical realist basis for considering that ILO standard setting remains salient and that international social dialogue remains possible.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti

Labor relations between employers and domestic workers is one of the very old form of relationship that is influenced by cultural and social development of society. The purpose of this study to determine the forms of employment relationships of kinship and formal working relationships and form working relationships between them are preferred by employers in Yogyakarta. The theory used in this study uses the concept of patron-client (Scott, 1985) and patriarchy (Delaney, 2005) to explain the two forms of the employment relationship in the domestic sphere. This research used post-positivist paradigm with mixed methods, quantitative and qualitative (Guba & Lincoln, 1997). The results showed kinship relationships occur in household domestic worker, working full time and living in the employer’s home. Formal relationship occurs in the working relationship of domestic workers work part time (fill-in), a special work as pramurukti and/ baby sitter. Generally, employers prefer that is kinship relationship because of the perspective domestic worker are part of the family. In contrast, domestic worker prefer to work part-time, work-specific and do not live in private homes because more wages and freely in the work. Employers and domestic workers have individual rationality in determining the form of employment relationship. In fact, kinship relationships wane and increasing the quantity of formal relations, characterized by the use of part-time domestic worker are increasingly numerous. In essence, kinship relationships and have in common that formal work status and low wages.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Erynn Masi de Casanova

This introductory chapter provides an overview of domestic work. The International Labor Organization (ILO) defines domestic work to include housework; caring for children, ill, disabled, or elderly people in private homes; and tasks such as “driving the family car, taking care of the garden, and guarding private houses.” Paid domestic work is an ancient occupation, rooted in feudal economic systems, but it is part of the modern world under capitalism. Historically, domestic workers cooked, cleaned, and cared for children, as they do today. However, this work has shifted from in-kind payment (room and board) to wages, and from most domestic workers living with employers to most living separately. Also, middle- and upper-class women have entered the workforce, relying on domestic workers to take up the slack at home. Based on research conducted between 2010 and 2018, this book explains why domestic work remains an occupation of last resort in Ecuador (and elsewhere) and discusses how these working conditions might be improved. In exploring the experiences of paid domestic workers in Ecuador, it shows how concepts of social reproduction, urban informal employment, and class boundaries can help illuminate the particular forms of exploitation in this work and explain why domestic work continues to be a bad job.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rachel Hyde

<p>There are an estimated 52.6 million domestic workers in the world, 83 per cent of whom are women, and many of whom work in poor conditions for low pay. Globally, domestic work is an under-regulated and under-valued sector. In an effort to address the precariousness of domestic work, the International Labour Organization adopted Convention No 189, concerning decent work for domestic workers. The Convention came into force on 5 September 2013. It provides for global minimum standards in areas in respect to which domestic workers should enjoy employment and social protection. The rights of domestic workers in New Zealand are addressed in a number of pieces of legislation, including the Employment Relations Act 2000, the Health and Safety in Employment Act 1992, and the Human Rights Act 1993. Although some categories of domestic worker receive protection under the legislation, others do not. This paper argues that the coverage of domestic workers in New Zealand is confusing and incomplete. For many domestic workers in New Zealand low pay and poor working conditions are a reality. If New Zealand’s domestic workers are to receive the same protection as other New Zealand employees and those domestic workers in nations that have ratified Convention No 189, then ratification of the Convention and associated domestic legislative change may be necessary to bring domestic law into line with international labour law. In the absence of ratification there are a number of options that could be pursued to improve the working lives of domestic workers in New Zealand.</p>


Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti

Labor relations between employers and domestic workers is one of the very old form of relationship that is influenced by cultural and social development of society. The purpose of this study to determine the forms of employment relationships of kinship and formal working relationships and form working relationships between them are preferred by employers in Yogyakarta. The theory used in this study uses the concept of patron-client (Scott, 1985) and patriarchy (Delaney, 2005) to explain the two forms of the employment relationship in the domestic sphere. This research used post-positivist paradigm with mixed methods, quantitative and qualitative (Guba & Lincoln, 1997). The results showed kinship relationships occur in household domestic worker, working full time and living in the employers home. Formal relationship occurs in the working relationship of domestic workers work part time (fill-in), a special work as pramurukti and/ baby sitter. Generally, employers prefer that is kinship relationship because of the perspective domestic worker are part of the family. In contrast, domestic worker prefer to work part-time, work-specific and do not live in private homes because more wages and freely in the work. Employers and domestic workers have individual rationality in determining the form of employment relationship. In fact, kinship relationships wane and increasing the quantity of formal relations, characterized by the use of part-time domestic worker are increasingly numerous. In essence, kinship relationships and have in common that formal work status and low wages.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 227
Author(s):  
Purnama Sari Pelupessy

<p>This paper discusses the situation of domestic workers (PRT) and the process of organizing domestic workers that has been doing by the author as a community organizer. The author, with a feminist framework, explores the history of the oppression of women attached to unpaid domestic work and the impact it has on domestic workers who are currently underpaid. This article also discusses the attitude of the state in viewing domestic workers as workers, as citizens and as women as well as the state’s reluctance to ratify the ILO Convention No 189 or ratify the Domestic Workers Protection Bill. The author uses her experience and knowledge in the labor movement and is enriched with the distinctive characteristics of domestic workers. This study concludes that efforts to change the working situation experienced by domestic workers need to be done by organizing domestic workers to have the power to urge the<br />state to realize decent work.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ms. Bijoyeta Das

This paper has been prepared to visualize relationships between the overall condition of the workers in Kamrup Metro and Kamrup rural areas of Assam. It throws light on how the female domestic workers engaged in part time work function differently in both the areas. The increase in the number of domestic workers has led to the growth of the urban middle class, especially the increase in the number of women working outside their homes and availability of cheap domestic labour. Kamrup Districts has witnessed large scale migration over the past few years of women from the interior areas of Assam, while in Kamrup metro, most of the migrants are from areas in lower Assam .The poor women who engage in domestic work are often unable to care for their own families, leaving their own children alone for the whole day. The study was conducted on adults ranging from 27 to 40 yrs of age. There were various reasons for which these female workers engaged in such kind of work, v.i.z, illiteracy, uncertain income of other family members and preference for part time domestic work, higher number of children with low income in the family. The children of such workers are sent to schools in Kamrup metro, while a handful of children were provided with education via various means in Kamrup rural. The wages of the workers in rural areas were not sufficient to send their children to proper schools. In this paper, some implications are provided to assist such workers in helping their children for education. The paper also deals with the educational status and the challenges faced by such workers in the daily affairs.


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