scholarly journals China’s New Role in Global Governance: Shaping the Emerging World Order

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 341-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yafei He
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Major Power ◽  
China Model

Since China rejoined the global economy four decades ago, it has adopted a peaceful development strategy that is deeply rooted in the peaceful DNA of the Chinese civilization. Benefiting from comprehensive engagement with other countries, China has bolstered its contribution to globalization and the global governance system with its own robust economic growth, more active participation in such key mechanisms as the Group of Twenty (G20), and a “China model” that provides valuable lessons for other nations on their social and economic development. Now that the global governance system is under serious challenge due to sudden withdrawal of many of the United States’ global commitments by the Trump administration, China is in a good position to shoulder more responsibilities while fostering a new type of major-power relationship with the United States.

scholarly journals China in Global Governance: Ideology, Theory, and Instrumentation

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-153
Author(s):  
Evgeny N. Grachikov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Cultural Traditions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
Distribution Of Power

Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.

China and the World Order

2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (04) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Yongnian ZHENG ◽  
Wenxin LIM
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Major Power ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The One

In 2013, the Chinese leadership announced the One Belt, One Road initiative as a strategic construct of Chinese peripheral influence and regional integration. As a growing major power, China needs to take the initiative to go beyond its responsibility as a “developing nation”. While China and the United States share many common interests and are highly interdependent, a new world order is viable only with the cooperation of China and the United States.

scholarly journals On State Sovereignty and the Coming World Order

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-51
Author(s):  
A D Kerimov ◽  
E V Khalipova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The Status ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Military

The article is devoted to the consideration of a complex of problems relating to state sovereignty primarily of Russia and the future geopolitical world order. The authors proceed from the premise that in the conditions of globalization, which has won on a world scale, and the intensively developing processes of globalization, to preserve sovereignty, especially economic, no state is fully able to do so. The coming world order will be characterized by the existence and active activity on the international arena of three or four superpowers, possessing almost all the fullness of state sovereignty and in an extremely strict form dividing the territory of the globe and the global economy into spheres of influence. These states include the United States, China and, most likely, Russia. The fourth actor of this level can be that country that in the next 20-30 years will achieve the greatest success in the military and economic fields. All other countries will practically lose their state sovereignty (primarily economic and, as a consequence, its other kinds) and will be in one or the other, more or less, in a subordinate position in relation to the aforementioned powers.Russia will be able to maintain and consolidate its sovereignty, and again, along with the United States (in the near future, with the PRC and possibly another country), will gain the status of a superpower. But this will happen onlyif its ruling elite pulls out of its ranks numerous pro-Western, liberal-minded representatives of the «fifth column» and will become nationally oriented, nationally responsible and absolutely open. The authors hope that such self- purification of the ruling elite can occur bloodlessly.

scholarly journals Globalization Revisited: Institutional Constraints and Ways Forward

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 395-409
Author(s):  
Yuzhu Wang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Emerging Economies ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Brics Countries ◽  
Emerging Powers

Throughout history, major powers have been playing significant roles in leading the development of globalization. There have been three waves of globalization since the age of the Great Voyage, and the latest American-style globalization featuring neo-liberalism has suffered from its own institutional constraints as a result of imbalanced global economy and social-economic dynamics, which contributed to the election of President Trump and the ensuing protectionism of the United States. With the rise of emerging economies, the new round of globalization will no longer be dominated by a single major power. Given the scale of outbound investment and agenda-setting capabilities, emerging powers represented by BRICS countries are increasingly proactive in promoting industrialization and post-industrialization worldwide. China, in particular, with its institutional advantages, is endowed with far-reaching capabilities in pushing forward the new round of globalization.

A New China-U.S. Tango

2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 17-33
Author(s):  
Shao Yuqun
Keyword(s):  
Global Governance ◽  
World Order ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Regional Order ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
The Right ◽  
Global Arena

The China-U.S. relationship is the most important major power relationship in the 21st century. That this relationship can remain strategically stable and embrace further positive development is not only in the interests of themselves, but also of the whole international community. In other words, the relationship has gone far beyond the bilateral level to have increasingly significant implications for the Asia-Pacific region and the world at large. Currently, China and the U.S. are actively engaging each other in framing a new regional order in the Asia-Pacific, dealing with a series of global governance as well as geostrategic issues. During this process, some new challenges in their bilateral relationship are outstanding, including their ever more intense competition for a new world order, difficulty for their deepening cooperation on the new strategic basis of global governance, and their deficient security cooperation in the global arena. Facing these new challenges, both countries need to strive to manage their relationship more prudently and flexibly in order to keep it on the right track.

scholarly journals China-U.S.-Europe Relations: Shaping a Future-Oriented World Order

2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 449-464
Author(s):  
Wu Chunsi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Major Power ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

China, Europe, and the United States constitute a very important trilateral relationship in China’s diplomacy. This trilateral relationship is incomparable to that of China, the United States, and the Soviet Union during the Cold War not only in that “polar” is no longer a valid concept to describe major-power relations today, but also in that China-U.S.-Europe relations are not deliberately constructed for the three parties to balance each other or oppose any party. To be more specific, China’s deliberations on Europe’s role in the world have gone beyond the logic of balance of power. Especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China has taken ever more efforts to strengthen its ties with European nations, both to meet its growing economic demands, and because it seeks to learn from the post-modern social governance experience in Europe. In comparison, China’s relationship with the United States is far more complex as the two countries have been engaged in increasing divergence and competition not only on specific issues, but more importantly, in trends of the world order. As three giants that have the potential to lead the world to a better future, China, Europe, and the United States need to deepen their mutual understanding and foster greater consensus about the future world order through closer communication and exchange, as well as enhanced cooperation on global governance.

scholarly journals Estudios de posgrado en el extranjero como estrategia de desarrollo industrial para México / Postgraduate Studies Abroad as Industrial Development Strategy for Mexico

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela Barreras Hernández ◽  
María Amparo Oliveros Ruiz ◽  
Víctor Nuño Moreno
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
Opportunity To Learn ◽  
The United States ◽  
Graduate Studies ◽  
China Model ◽  
The Usa ◽  
High Level

ABSTRACTThis research analyzes the human resource training high-level graduate studies in the US and China model as a means to support industrial development plan based on the intensive use of knowledge through institutional support designed to encourage studies Mexican graduate students in these two countries : the United States for a number of fundamental reasons such as the fact that 80 % of exports are to the USA , and China by the fact that this emerging economy managed to become a power economy with a program of industrial and technological development based on technology transfer processes supported by an educational project where one of their strategies was sending its best students abroad , mainly to the United States, this offered the opportunity to learn from within the bowels of the most powerful market in the world , to use this highly specialized research centers and development of export industries human resources. The proposed model considers Mexico binational collaboration scheme as part of a strategic plan for regions with industrial potential.RESUMENEsta investigación, analiza el modelo formación de recursos humanos de alto nivel en estudios de posgrado en EUA y China como un medio para dar soporte a un plan de desarrollo industrial basado en el uso intensivo del conocimiento a través de apoyos institucionales orientados a fomentar los estudios de posgrado de estudiantes mexicanos en estos dos países: en Estados Unidos por una serie de razones fundamentales como el hecho de que el 80% de las exportaciones son hacia EUA, y con China por el hecho de que esta economía emergente logró convertirse en una potencia económica con un programa de desarrollo industrial y tecnológico en base a procesos de transferencia tecnológica soportados en un proyecto educativo en donde una de sus estrategias fue el envío de sus mejores estudiantes al extranjero, principalmente a Estados Unidos, esto ofreció la posibilidad de conocer desde dentro las entrañas del mercado más poderosos del mundo, para utilizar este recurso humano altamente especializado en los centros de investigación y desarrollo de las industrias de exportación. El modelo propuesto para México considera un esquema de colaboración binacional, en el marco de un plan estratégico por regiones con potencial industrial. Contacto principal: [email protected]

The dimensions of the Moroccan position on the Gulf crisis 1990-1991

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Nazhan Hammoud Nassif Al Obeidi ◽  
Abdul Wahab Abdul Aziz Abu Khamra
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Gulf Crisis ◽  
The Subject

The Gulf crisis 1990-1991 is one of the important historical events of the 1990s, which gave rise to the new world order by the sovereignty of the United States of America on this system. The Gulf crisis was an embodiment to clarify the features of this system. .     The crisis in the Gulf was an opportunity for the Moroccans to manage this complex event and to use it for the benefit of the Moroccan situation. Therefore, the bilateral position of the crisis came out as a rejection, a contradiction and a supporter of political and economic dimensions at the external and internal levels. On the Moroccan situation, and from these points came the choice of the subject of the study (the dimensions of the Moroccan position from the Gulf crisis 1990-1991), which shows the ingenuity of Moroccans in managing an external crisis and benefiting from it internally.

Ocena antykryzysowej polityki gospodarczej Stanów Zjednoczonych i wybranych państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej w latach 2005–2014

2016 ◽  
pp. 26-46
Author(s):  
Marcin Jan Flotyński
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Financial Markets ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
High Volatility ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Domestic Products

The global financial crisis in 2007–2009 began a period of high volatility on the financial markets. Specifically, it caused an increased amplitude of fluctuations of the level of gross domestic products, the level of investment and consumption and exchange rates in particular countries. To address the adverse market circumstances, governments and central banks took actions in order to bolster the weakening global economy. The aim of this article is to present the anti-crisis actions in the United States and selected member states of the European Union, including Poland, and an assessment of their efficiency. The analysis conducted indicates that generally the actions taken in the United States in response to the crisis were faster and more adequate to the existing circumstances than in the European Union.

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