Chapter 3: The Right of Self-Defence before World War i

2017 ◽  
pp. 41-81
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Self Defence

Life conditions of Turkish prisoners on nargin island during the first world war

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity

The United States and Self-Determination: Perspectives on the Wilsonian Conception

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michla Pomerance
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Autonomy ◽  
Conflicting Demands ◽  
The Right

Ever since the principle of self-determination entered the lexicon of international politics during World War I, American foreign policymakers have had to contend with problems revolving around that concept. The need to favor one or another claimant, each waving the banner of self-determination and invoking the “right to determine its own fate,” continues to present dilemmas, often extremely troubling ones, for U.S. decisionmakers. Examples from recent history come readily to mind. The entire post-World War II decolonization process entailed an endless series of such dilemmas, and even after formal decolonization was all but completed, such nagging issues as Katanga, Biafra, and Eritrea remained, not to mention the problems of South Africa, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Indochina. Indeed, even within America’s own imperial domain, the United States was faced with the conflicting demands of the Puerto Rican nationalists and the majority of the Puerto Rican electorate, the claims of the Marianas as against those of Micronesia as a whole, and demands for cultural autonomy on the part of diverse ethnic groups.

The Archives of the Consolata Mission and the Formation of the Italian Empire, 1913-1943

1998 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 319-340
Author(s):  
Alberto Sbacchi
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Foreign Missions ◽  
Life After Death ◽  
Missionary Work ◽  
Southwestern Ethiopia ◽  
The People ◽  
Original Plan ◽  
The Right

The Institute of the Consolata for Foreign Missions was founded in Turin, Italy in 1901 by the General Superior, Giuseppe Allamano (1851-1926). The primary purpose of the mission is to evangelize and educate non-Christian peoples. Allamano believed in the benefit of religion and education when he stated that the people “will love religion because of the promise of a better life after death, but education will make them happy because it will provide a better life while on earth.” The Consolata distinguishes itself for stressing the moral and secular education and its enthusiasm for missionary work. To encourage young people to become missionaries, Allamano convinced Pius X to institute a world-wide mission day in 1912. Allamano's original plan was for his mission to work among the “Galla” (Oromo) people of Ethiopia and continue the mission which Cardinal Massaia had begun in 1846 in southwestern Ethiopia. While waiting for the right moment, the Consolata missionaries ministered among the Kikuyu people of Kenya. In 1913 the Propaganda Fides authorized the Consolata Mission to begin work in Kaffa, Ethiopia. In 1919 it entered Tanzania and, accepting a government invitation in 1924, the Consolata installed itself in Italian Somalia and in 1925 in the Portuguese colony of Mozambique. Before the World War I the mission also expanded in Brazil, in 1937, and after 1937 its missionaries went to Argentina, Colombia, Venezuela, Canada, the United States, Zaire, Uganda, South Africa, and South Korea.

scholarly journals Vojvodina - a region based on the Serbian ethnicity and its denial

2012 ◽  
pp. 259-273
Author(s):  
Drago Njegovan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
The Right

The issue of regionalism and the autonomy of certain areas is mainly related to the ethnic composition of the population. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina as a Serbian region in the Habsburg Monarchy was created back in 1690. It came into being 150 years later by the decision of the 1848 May Assembly. In a significantly different form, it lasted ten years as the Serbian Voivodship and Temisvar (Timisoara) Banat. In the next fifty years, a autonomous Serbian Vojvodina was just a dream. At the end of World War I the areas of Vojvodina, on the basis of the right to self-determination, entered the Kingdom of Serbia and thus became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, i.e. Yugoslavia. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina was then discarded. Some liberal politicians, supported by the Croats, tried to restore it in the interwar period but this option did not receive any support of voters at the elections. The illegal Communist Party politically promoted the idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina in a federalized Yugoslavia, which was achieved during World War II. At the end of the war, the autonomous Vojvodina remained part of Serbia, and according to the 1974 Constitution, it became a part of federal Yugoslavia. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the autonomy of Vojvodina within Serbia was preserved but recently, after the so-called democratic changes of 2000, domestic and foreign (EU and NATO) political engagement in Serbia has been more directed towards the greater autonomy of Vojvodina, and even its separation from Serbia, despite the two-thirds Serbian majority living in the Province.

scholarly journals “...COMING TO COMMON PEACE TOGETHER WITH OUR ALLIES”: ROMANIA’S FOREIGN POLICY BALANCING DURING WORLD WAR I

Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Yaroslav POPENKO ◽  
Ihor SRIBNYAK ◽  
Natalia YAKOVENKO ◽  
Viktor MATVIYENKO
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War I ◽  
First World War ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
World War ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

The article covers the course of negotiations between the plenipotentiaries of Romania and the leading states of the Entente and the Quadruple Alliance during the First World War. Facing the dilemma of determining its own foreign policy orientation – by joining one of the mentioned military-political blocs, the Romanian government was hesitating for a long time to come to a final decision. At the same time, largely due to this balancing process, official Bucharest managed to preserve its sovereign right to work out and make the most important decisions, while consistently defending Romania's national interests. By taking the side of the Entente and receiving comprehensive military assistance from Russia, Romania at the same time faced enormous military and political problems due to military superiority of the allied Austrian and German forces at the Balkan theater of hostilities. Their occupation of much of Romania forced official Bucharest to seek an alternative, making it sign a separate agreement with the Central Block states. At the same time, its ratification was being delayed in every possible way, which enabled Romania to return to the camp of war winners at the right time. At the same time, official Bucharest made the most of the decline and liquidation of imperial institutions in Russia and Austria-Hungary at the final stage of the First World War, incorporating vast frontier territories into the Kingdom. Taking advantage of the revolutionary events in Russia, the Romanian government succeeded, in particular, in resolving the “Bessarabian problem” in its favor. In addition, Romania included Transylvania, Bukovina and part of Banat. An important foreign policy achievement of Romanian diplomacy was signing of the 1918 Bucharest Peace Treaty, as well as its participation in the Paris Peace Conference.

Pioneer Girls and Flappers: Australia’s Early Female Ammunition Workers

2019 ◽  
Vol 117 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-46
Author(s):  
Katie Wood
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
World War I ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
World War ◽  
Small Arms ◽  
Working Lives ◽  
Employed Women ◽  
The Right ◽  
Key Questions

In 1890, in the midst of an extended public debate on the right of women to work and the conditions of those who did, a small arms ammunition factory was built on the banks of the Maribyrnong River in Victoria. The Colonial Ammunition Company employed women almost exclusively from its establishment until the end of World War I. During this time, the workforce became the largest group of women workers engaged in the metal industries across Australia. This article will draw out their working experience by focusing on several key questions. Why were women employed? How was their experience and how were their methods of organisation shaped by gender? How did World War I impact on this experience? Exploring the answers to these particular questions draws out some of the key ways in which gender shaped the working lives of these women.

scholarly journals «UKRAINIAN ISSUE» IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Oleh FINOHENOV
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Cultural Policy ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
World War ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Western Ukraine ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ukrainian Society

In the 1920-1930s, the «Ukrainian issue» remained unsolved. None of the European states defended the right of the Ukrainian people to create their own independent and united country. Declaring the ideals of independence and unity of Ukraine, established in 1922, the Western Ukrainian Society of the League of Nations (ZUTLN) had two important tasks. Firstly, to update the "Ukrainian issue" in the international arena, and secondly, to revise the decision of the Council of Ambassadors of March 14, 1923, and with strong condemnation of the Polish national and cultural policy in the first half of the 1920s. The study notes that in the early 1920s, the ZUTLN was almost the only emigration structure created by famous Ukrainian public and political persons to expand the international influence of the exile government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) to address the state status of Eastern Galicia. In 1922–1924, the ZUTLN defended the national and state interests of Ukrainians in Galicia in the international arena and promoted the idea of restoring Ukrainian statehood after World War I. The foreign policy activities of the society on dealing with the «Ukrainian issue» is analyzed. The efficiency of ZUTLN governing bodies, the activities of its representatives in the Union of Societies of the League of Nations (STLN), is characterized. Cooperation with political parties of Western Ukraine and a similar Dnieper society is emphasized. It was concluded that thanks to the ZUTLN leaders' efforts, the "Ukrainian" or, more accurately, the «Eastern Galician issue» was repeatedly discussed at meetings of the Grand Council and the Political Committee of the General Assembly of the League of Nations international obligations. That's how world politicians could obtain reliable information about national minorities rights violations by the Polish authorities

scholarly journals The Battle over Sunrise Rock: Examining the Constitutionality of Government Land Transfers to Private Entities

2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Pest
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Establishment Clause ◽  
World War ◽  
Remote Site ◽  
The Cross ◽  
National Preserve ◽  
The Right

Among the 1.6 million acres of southern California’s Mojave National Preserve stands a small cross, erected nearly a century ago as a memorial to veterans who died in World War I. Located in a remote site in the desert atop an outcropping known as Sunrise Rock, the cross, standing between five and eight feet tall,may appear to be of little significance to the average passerby. However, this seemingly inconsequential monument may have substantial implications for the federal government’s ability to transfer land to private entities. The location of the cross in the federally-owned Preserve has sparked widespread debate over whether it violates the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause, which guarantees that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion.”The Establishment Clause is generally interpreted to guarantee citizens the right to be free from the government’s endorsement of a particular religion.Opponents of the cross have sought its removal for more than a decade, arguing that its location on the Preserve constitutes governmental endorsement of Christianity.

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