Living between Nation-States and Nature: Anthropological Notes on National Identities

2011 ◽  
pp. 157-183
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Basabi Khan Banerjee ◽  
Georg Stöber

Whereas “classical” textbook revision involved two or more nation-states, this article explores current challenges in this field which are internal or go beyond the level of nation-states: textbook activities after internal wars, the search for a “European textbook,” immigration, international schools, and examinations. All of these challenges touch upon the question of identities which are distinct from “traditional” national identities. The article sketches the respective backgrounds of these current challenges as well as practical aspects that need to be considered. We also question whether solutions can be found by replacing constricted identities with more comprehensive ones.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-194
Author(s):  
Geneviève Zubrzycki ◽  
Anna Woźny

This article examines the theoretical and empirical contributions of the interdisciplinary field of memory studies for a comparative sociology of collective memory and politics. We identify three major empirical foci that have structured the scholarship: the role of collective memory in the creation, legitimation, and maintenance of national identities and nation-states; political reckoning with the memory of difficult and violent pasts; and the ongoing transnationalization of collective memory. We conclude with suggestions for future research on the politics of memory given the rise of populism and so-called fake news.


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 578-583
Author(s):  
Nova Robinson

Historians of the Middle East have used gender to explore a range of topics, from how crises around gendered practices have contributed to the construction of national identities to women's roles in nationalist movements. Whereas early gender histories focused on single nation-states, recent scholarship has turned to regional and transnational connections. Yet the international sphere, the domain of nation-states and nongovernmental organizations in relation to each other, has yet to be examined through the lens of gender. In this essay, I argue that doing so yields new insights into the relationship between the national and the international in the Middle East, and into the process of rights claiming in postcolonial nation-states. I make this argument through a discussion of the third session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UNCSW).


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Neuburger

Recent scholarship has poignantly argued that the founding of modern “Western” nation-states is to a large degree a product of their drawn out colonial encounters with “the East.” It is convincingly argued that “the West” constructed its own self-assured, national and supra-national identities in the process of “discovering” and “inventing” the exotic yet inferior “East.” Furthermore, a diverse body of scholarship has delineated the central role of discourses on gender and sexuality in the development of Western societies and, in particular, nation-states. If the image of “pious mother” became key to Western national self-images, it was the counter-image of the women of the harem—veiled, oppressed, and mysterious—that typified representations of Eastern barbarism. Furthermore, Western economic and political penetration of its colonies was to a large degree justified by the “gendering” of the “irrational Orient” versus the “rational Occident.” The “liberation” of Islamic women from their “oppression” as typified by the veil became central to Western “civilizing” missions, which had far-reaching echoes on the frontiers of European society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Brück ◽  
Liv Nilsson Stutz

The European Association of Archaeologists has long fostered critical analysis of the relationship between archaeology and politics, particularly the politics of national, regional and supra-regional identities. Although the role of nationalism in the birth of archaeology as a discipline is well recognized, the events of the past few years – from the referendum on Scottish independence in 2014, to the movement for secession in eastern Ukraine, and the rise of explicitly nationalist political movements across the continent – suggest that the (re)formulation of national identities is likely to continue to have major implications both for our interpretation of the past and for the practice of archaeology in the present. In light of this, the Archaeological dialogues editorial board organized a round table at the EAA meeting in Glasgow in September 2015 to explore the extent to which institutional, legislative and funding structures as well as political and cultural imperatives continue to bind our discipline into the construction of nationalist narratives, and this more or less in spite of long-standing critical debates within the discipline itself that for decades have problematized the relationship. Are we caught in a ‘can't-live-with-and-can't-live-without’ situation? While explicitly nationalist archaeologies have become almost obsolete in the European academies, we rarely contemplate the impact of nationalism on funding or the definition and protection of cultural heritage, for example. Several of the following papers suggest that without the nation state's involvement, the vicissitudes of global capitalism would result in a situation where it would be extremely difficult to adequately protect our ‘heritage’, however that is defined.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katerina Dalakoura

The paper acts as an editorial of the thematic issue «Education in Southeastern Europe: From Empires to Nation-States», in which is included. It explores the constructions/reconstructions of collective national identities within the Ottoman Empire, for the period of the 1840s until the end of the 19th century, focusing on the Ottoman Greek case. Given that women’s education emerges as an ethnic/ national project in the discourses throughout the period under research, the study based on the works of three women intellectuals concerning women and women’s education, examines the conceptualizations of «nation» and the changing images of national «selves» and «others». The concepts of «East»/ «Orient»/ «Ottoman» and «West» are also studied as connected with the nation and its position in the respective imagined communities. The women whose works are studied as representative of the different discourses and multiple conceptualizations of the notions aforementioned are: Eufrosyne Samartzidou (1820-1877), editor of the first women’s journal published in the Ottoman territories [Kypseli (1845)], Sappho Leontias (1830-1900), and Kalliope Kehagia (1839-1905), both celebrated educators, writers and intellectual. The paper concludes by associating its analyses and conclusions with the topic of the issue, and presenting the papers included.


Author(s):  
Dilwyn Porter

This chapter explores the role of sport in the construction of national identity. It focuses initially on sport as a cultural practice possessing the demonstrable capacity to generate events and experiences through which imagined communities are made real. The governments of nation-states or other political agencies might intervene directly in this process, using sport as a form of propaganda to achieve this effect. More often, however, the relationship between sport and national identity is reproduced in everyday life, flagged daily by the mass media as an expression of banal nationalism. Particular attention is given to the role of sports that are indigenous to particular nations and also to sports engaged in competitively between nations. These have contributed in different ways to the making of national identities.


Author(s):  
Florencia E. Mallon

This article shifts the discussion of race from Afro- to Indo-America, focusing on a corpus of historical studies that underline how Amerindians, anti-Indian racism, and Indigenism have played a central role in the formation of nations and national identities along the mountainous backbone of Spanish America. With the crisis of the Spanish colonial system and the rise of independence movements, emerging elites interested in projects of nation-state formation entered into new forms of negotiation and confrontation with indigenous peoples and their visions for both inclusion and autonomy. While these negotiations differed markedly from those that had earlier taken place between Natives and the colonial state, they were conditioned by the forms of conquest and colonization that had gone before, as well as by emerging political, geographic, military, and economic distinctions among the newly independent societies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 144078332096454
Author(s):  
Anthony Moran

Postnational institutions and identities are products of globalisation. How far along the ‘postnational’ road the world has travelled is debatable. In the early 2000s Habermas referred to an emerging ‘post national constellation’. While the nation-state is still an important institutional form, postnational identities and experiences challenge the boundaries of nation-states, and also national identities. Cosmopolitanism as an outlook, set of predispositions and practices is often seen as postnational, and celebrated as such, since it implies the embrace of humanity beyond nation. To what extent have national identities (as opposed to other kinds of identities) been threatened, undermined or superseded by postnational identities? To what extent is the postnational a utopian hope for a cosmopolitan future, and to what extent is the postnational already upon us – whether we recognise it or not? What are the most convincing examples of postnationalism? This article addresses such questions, with a focus on Australia.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Shulman

The huge Russian diaspora created in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse creates a great challenge to nation builders throughout the “near abroad.” Especially in Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine, by virtue of their size, Russian populations must be integrated into new political communities where they now have minority status. The building of cohesive, unified nation states requires that the identities and loyalties of these Russians be directed toward their new states. If Russians can identify with the broader community dominated by the titular ethnic group and simultaneously maintain a strong ethnic consciousness and loyalty toward the Russian Federation, then national integration can proceed in a relatively straightforward manner. But if creating a state-wide, national identity entails the weakening of Russian ethnic identity and the breaking of emotional and physical attachments to Russia, then national integration will be a much more conflictual and difficult process. Unfortunately, social scientists have paid little theoretical and empirical attention to the question of whether ethnic and national identities complement one another or compete with one another. Likewise, we do not know how a diaspora's relations with its homeland affects its ability to adopt loyalties to its host state. And if scholars are uncertain about these issues, then so likely are ethnic groups themselves; logically the political consequences of this uncertainty also merit study.


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