scholarly journals Competing versus Complementary Identities: Ukrainian-Russian Relations and the Loyalties of Russians in Ukraine*

1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Shulman
Keyword(s):  
National Identities ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Ethnic Consciousness ◽  
New States ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
Near Abroad

The huge Russian diaspora created in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse creates a great challenge to nation builders throughout the “near abroad.” Especially in Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine, by virtue of their size, Russian populations must be integrated into new political communities where they now have minority status. The building of cohesive, unified nation states requires that the identities and loyalties of these Russians be directed toward their new states. If Russians can identify with the broader community dominated by the titular ethnic group and simultaneously maintain a strong ethnic consciousness and loyalty toward the Russian Federation, then national integration can proceed in a relatively straightforward manner. But if creating a state-wide, national identity entails the weakening of Russian ethnic identity and the breaking of emotional and physical attachments to Russia, then national integration will be a much more conflictual and difficult process. Unfortunately, social scientists have paid little theoretical and empirical attention to the question of whether ethnic and national identities complement one another or compete with one another. Likewise, we do not know how a diaspora's relations with its homeland affects its ability to adopt loyalties to its host state. And if scholars are uncertain about these issues, then so likely are ethnic groups themselves; logically the political consequences of this uncertainty also merit study.

Economic Development and Traditional Social Structures: Some Theoretical Considerations

1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (4II) ◽  
pp. 501-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soofia Mumtaz
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
Development Process ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Industrial System ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Functional Logic ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Theoretical Considerations

This paper discusses some issues currently preoccupying social scientists with respect to the process of development and its implications for Third World countries. These issues have become highly significant considering the momentum and nature of the development process being launched in the so-called "underdeveloped" world, within the context of modern nation-states. Therefore, in this paper, we seek to identify: (a) What is meant by development; (b) How the encounter between this process and traditional social structures (with their own functional logic, based on earlier forms of production and social existence) takes place; (c) What the implications of this encounter are; and (d) What lessons we can learn in this regard from history and anthropology. Development as a planned and organized process, the prime issue concerning both local and Western experts in Third World countries, is a recent phenomenon in comparison to the exposure of Third World countries to the Western Industrial system. The former gained momentum subsequent to the decolonization of the bulk of the Third World in the last half of this century, whereas the latter dates to at least the beginning of this century, if not earlier, when the repercussions of colonization, and later the two World Wars, became manifest in these countries.

NEW POWER-PUBLIC COMMUNICATIVISM AND POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION OF SOCIETY

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
M.A. CHEKUNOVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Digital Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Digital Revolution ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Russian Federation

The purpose of the article is to consider the influence of the processes of digital transformation of society on the change of the model of power and public communications. The positions and arguments of technological optimists and alarmists on the prospects for the development or involution of democracy in the context of further digitalization are considered. Scenario variants of the political consequences of the "digital revolution"are presented. A special place is given to the analysis of the discourse, catalyzed by anti-covid events, around the problem of a new type of totalitarianism. The author, pointing to the opportunities of digitalization that are favorable for the development of power and public relations, also notes the risks associated with it for the political sphere. As a result of the research, the author suggests two main directions of digital transformation in the field of political communication in the medium term: 1) creative, enhancing the effectiveness of dialogue communications between the authorities and the public (including through the implementation of the national project "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation"), 2) destructive, forming the language of hostility in society and the activity of anonymous political trolls that generate conflict.

Information and psychological confrontation in the context of the formation of regional security of the post-Soviet space: content and main stages

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-37
Author(s):  
Evgeny Petrischev
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Psychological Impact ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
External Information ◽  
Modern Theory ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Near Abroad ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The relevance of this article is determined by the need to identify and concretize the challenges and threats to the regional security of the post-Soviet space and the national security of modern Russia. One of the insuffi ciently studied aspects of the modern theory of international relations is the problem of fi nding an adequate answer to the external information and psychological impact on the national interests of the Russian Federation in its “near abroad”.

6. The significance of nation states

2017 ◽  
pp. 66-80
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Fisher
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Law ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Legal Culture ◽  
Environmental Problems ◽  
Physical Reality ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Global Environmental ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Political Communities

Environmental problems transcend the boundaries of nation states. That fact is a reminder of the physical reality of such problems, but—for good or ill—political and legal imagination is the product of political communities that cluster into nation states. ‘The significance of nation states’ looks at how environmental law is shaped by the legal culture of nation states. It also discusses the difference between civil law systems and common law systems. The internal constitutional arrangements of a country are fundamental to how environmental law develops in a particular legal culture. Is a ‘global environmental law’ emerging?

Textbook Revision and Beyond

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Basabi Khan Banerjee ◽  
Georg Stöber
Keyword(s):  
International Schools ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Internal Wars

Whereas “classical” textbook revision involved two or more nation-states, this article explores current challenges in this field which are internal or go beyond the level of nation-states: textbook activities after internal wars, the search for a “European textbook,” immigration, international schools, and examinations. All of these challenges touch upon the question of identities which are distinct from “traditional” national identities. The article sketches the respective backgrounds of these current challenges as well as practical aspects that need to be considered. We also question whether solutions can be found by replacing constricted identities with more comprehensive ones.

Politics and Social Indentity: Introduction

1987 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 491-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Hefner
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
National Community ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
New States ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
New Nation ◽  
Kinship Language

In the first years of the postcolonial era, students of politics in the new nation- states often assumed that “primordial” ties of kinship, language, ethnicity, and religion would gradually give way to a more encompassing sense of national political community. The emergence of such an expanded civic sense, it was hoped, would be paralleled by the development of economic, educational, and even religious institutions similarly premised on a broader, more socially accommodative, and self-consciously sustained concept of community. The expansion of political and economic opportunities made possible by the departure of European nationals, of course, might result in momentary incidents of communal competition. Ultimately, however, the social bases of conflict and solidarity would shift from their earlier organization to newly created bonds of class and profession, and the potential political divisiveness of these would be constrained by an overarching allegiance to national community and common interests. Although Marxist students of nation building rejected the integrative optimism of this model, they tended to assume that, in Asia as in Europe in earlier centuries, regional, ethnic, and religious allegiances would eventually give way to those of class and economic interest. Politics and social identity in Asia's new states were, in a word, “posttraditional,” and posttraditionalism was, almost by definition, political community in search of a new self.

The Evolution of Public Perceptions of Adenauer as a Historic Leader: Test of a Mathematical Model of Attitude Change

1976 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Boynton ◽  
Gerhard Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Attitude Change ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Military Commander ◽  
Political Events ◽  
New States ◽  
Political Communities ◽  
A Minor

The frequent association of memorable political leaders with formative political events is the source of the classic dispute over whether great men make great events or whether the events are themselves the conditions of great leadership. The long controversy over the role of leaders in history has often fastened on periods of fundamental political change—the creation of new states, major wars, changes of regime. Washington, Bolivar, Cavour, and Nehru are studied as fathers of their countries, Lincoln and Churchill as great war leaders, Lenin and Mao as architects of major revolutions, Ataturk and DeGaulle as founders of new regimes.We are generally aware that such men, regardless of their personal distinctions, might well have escaped the notice of historians, had they lived in normal times; indeed each passed substantial periods of his life as a minor politician, local military commander, occasional writer, or unheeded prophet. We are also aware that the place of such men in history is the product of the interpretation—and reinterpretation—of succeeding generations of historians. On the other hand, we know relatively little about how these men were viewed by their leading contemporaries, less about the attitudes toward them of the general publics of their time, and almost nothing about the development of public attitudes toward them during their lifetime. Only with respect to the political leaders of our own time do we begin to have data which permits us to investigate the development of public perceptions of great leaders. In this way we can fill the gap in our knowledge of the complex and reciprocal relationship between historic political leaders and the members of their political communities who, in following them, gave them the possibility of shaping history.

Postcolonial Borderland Legacies of Anglo–French Partition in West Africa

2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
William F. S. Miles
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
National Level ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Colonial Legacies ◽  
The One ◽  
European Colonialism ◽  
And Behavior

Abstract:More than five decades after independence, Africa still struggles with the legacies of colonial partition. On the territorial frontiers between the postcolonial inheritors of the two major colonial powers, Great Britain and France, the continuing impact of European colonialism remains most acute. On the one hand, the splitting of erstwhile homogeneous ethnic groups into British and French camps gave rise to new national identities; on the other hand, it circumvented any possibility of sovereignty via ethnic solidarity. To date, however, there has been no comprehensive assessment of the ethnic groups that were divided between English- and French-speaking states in West Africa, let alone the African continent writ large. This article joins postcolonial ethnography to the emerging field of comparative borderland studies. It argues that, although norms of state-based identity have been internalized in the Anglophone–Francophone borderlands, indigenous bases of association and behavior continue to define life along the West African frontier in ways that undermine state sovereignty. Although social scientists tend to focus on national- and sub-national-level analyses, and increasingly on the effects of globalization on institutional change, study of the African borderlands highlights the continuing importance of colonial legacies and grassroots-derived research.

scholarly journals CONSIDERATIONS ON THE POLICIES OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION TO ACHIEVE NATIONAL INTERESTS IN ITS NEAR ABROAD

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 312-331
Author(s):  
Sergiu ȘARAMET
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Near Abroad

The policies of the Russian Federation in its near abroad have been constantly changing. Taking into account this consideration, it is important to know what were thedetermining factors that influenced the policy orientation of the Russian Federation in the pursuit of national interests in those areas. In this context, are analyzed the policies through which the Russian Federation projects national interests in its near abroad such as “hard power”, which include military operations (the involvement of Russian troops as“peacekeeping forces” in the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan; stationing of large units and units on the territory of the former union republics; economic sanctions, etc.). In tandem with “hard power” policies, the Russian Federation also uses “soft power” policies (promoting the Russian language and culture, strengthening the presence of the Russian Federation in the information space, supporting the Russian diaspora).Keywords: policies, national interests, “hard power”, “soft power”, economic sanctions, military operations.

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