scholarly journals „Турското робство” като място на ­памет. Резултати от теренно изследване

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 141-155
Author(s):  
Евгения [Evgeniia] Иванова [Ivanova]

Topoi of historical memory in Bulgaria. Field researchThe article summarizes the preliminary results from the research project “Topoi of Memory”, which is a joint venture between the New Bulgarian University and the American University in Bulgaria.The major goal of the research team is to investigate the level of modernization of Bulgarian society using the mechanism of historical memory. Thus we are trying to answer the question: whether there exists one coherent and normative Grand Historical Narrative, inspired by “the inventors of tradition” – and how does it function. Or, whether there are diverse narratives which circulate among the various social, ethnic and religious groups, according to their own value systems.Another aim of the research is to establish the generators of memory, which are at odds between the institutional education and the traditions of the different groups.The results are quite clear: the Grand Bulgarian Historical Narrative is centered on the last decade of the Ottoman Rule in Bulgaria (the 1870’s) which presents the climax of the national liberation movement and the Liberation from the “Turkish Joke”. Still, the “joke” is marked primarily by the heroic discourse. This is in sharp distinction with Serbia, where the traumatic discourse is dominant. The heroic discourse allows much more wider deployment of the narratives of epic heroism, than the traumatic national memory of martyrdom.The leading topoi of memory among the majority of Bulgarians and the diverse minorities groups are relatively similar, still they differ on the level of repetition of these topoi. Even the representatives of the Turkish minority consider the Liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman rule the most important historical event. This fact does not mean that these Bulgarian Turks highlight a distinct “martyrdom memory”, or feature a high level of integration in Bulgarian society. It rather presents (in the majority of the cases) a special mimicry of the minority group versus the majority.  „Niewola turecka” jako miejsce pamięci. Wyniki badań terenowych Tekst zawiera raport z badań przeprowadzonych w ramach projektu „Toposy pamięci historycznej” realizowanego przez Nowy Uniwersytet Bułgarski i Uniwersytet Amerykański w Bułgarii. Głównym celem była ocena poziomu modernizacji społeczeństwa bułgarskiego, który byłby do uchwycenia z perspektywy mechanizmów pamięci. Czy można mówić o istnieniu jednej wielkiej narracji narodowej, inspirowanej przez „wynalazców tradycji”, czy też o cyrkulacji wielu opowieści – zależnie od systemów wartości poszczególnych grup społecznych, etnicznych, religijnych? Innym celem badania było wyznaczenie czynników tworzących pamięć (generatorów), jak powszechne wykształcenie czy tradycje rodowe.Wyniki badań jednoznacznie pokazują, że wielka bułgarska narracja narodowa – jeśli w ogóle istnieje – osadzona jest w ostatniej dekadzie panowania osmańskiego: okresie walk narodowowyzwoleńczych i wyzwolenia spod „jarzma tureckiego”. „Jarzmo” jednak nie tyle definiowane jest w kategoriach traumy (jak chociażby w Serbii), ile heroizmu. Okazuje się w większym stopniu impulsem do wielkiego zrywu niż martyrologią.W przypadku Bułgarów i poszczególnych mniejszości narodowych wiodące toposy są podobne, mimo iż pojawiają się z różną częstotliwością. Nawet mniejszość turecka uznaje wyzwolenie Bułgarii spod panowania osmańskiego za najważniejsze wydarzenie, w czym nie należy upatrywać martyrologii czy wysokiego stopnia integracji; w większości przypadków pozwala to dojrzeć w tym zjawisku tendencję do stosowania strategii mimikry.

Author(s):  
DANYLO SUDYN

Regarding the Soviet past, idea of the dichotomous nature of Ukrainian historical memory is widespread both in society and in academia. According to it, two models of memory are widespread in Ukrainian society — the Ukrainian national memory and the Soviet one as the opposed to it. The article shows that this view is simplified. The Ukrainian national and Soviet models of memory are not a dichotomy but a continuum. Based on the analysis of sociological surveys, a number of versions have been identified within each of the memory models. In particular, within the Ukrainian national model there are such versions as: “resistance”, “realitistic”, “post-Soviet”. The difference between them lies in the attitude towards the Soviet past. In the “resistance” version the Soviet past is completely rejected, in the “realitistic” version it is perceived as an integral part of the Ukrainian past, and in the “post-Soviet” version there is a mechanistic combination of Soviet and Ukrainian national narratives, with an emphasis on the Ukrainian component. Within the Soviet model there are such versions as: “Ukrainian”, “fraternal peoples”, and “reunification”. The criterion for distinguishing them is the attitude to the Ukrainian historical narrative. In the case of the “Ukrainian” version, there is a combination of Soviet and Ukrainian narratives, but with an emphasis on the Soviet component. In the “fraternal peoples’” version the Ukrainian identity is seen as equal to the Russian one and as the ”reunification”. And in the “reunification” version Ukrainian identity is seen as a part of supranational identity. Also four types of historical memory are distinguished by the criterion of combining models within individual consciousness. Two of them are “pure” — Ukrainian national and Soviet-imperial, and two are “mixed” — ambivalent, where two models are combined, and indefinite, where none of the memory models is important to individuals. The article also analyzes the regional prevalence of both memory models and types.


Author(s):  
Marta Celati

The chapter offers a comparative study that traces the evolution of fifteenth-century conspiracy literature, illustrating its distinctive features, narrative approaches, and political perspectives. The analysis focuses on the multiform operation of recasting classical models, which matches and, at the same time, underpins the ideological viewpoint in these texts. Specific attention is also paid to the multifunctional role of history in this literature, as it exploits historical narrative, historiographical techniques, and principles, in order to construct a historical memory that conveys a precise political message. This message coincides with the condemnation of the conspiracy as an attack against the state and the ‘prince’, who is now the dominant figure in the political discourse. The key elements that frame this political outlook in the texts are: the function of the author–narrator (as a poet, letter writer, historian, witness); the speeches delivered by historical characters; the stress on the exceptionality of the historical event; the portraits of the conspirators; the representation of the common people; the image of the revenge against the plotters; and the uneasy balance between clemency and vengeance in the ruler’s reaction to the conspiracy. Through the interplay of these components the texts reflect, and contribute to, the development of a theory of statecraft that is informed by a blossoming notion of political realism and plays a crucial role in the definition of a new model of state. Significantly this strand of political thought also emerged in mirrors for princes, which display many elements in common with works on plots.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Alena Marková

Abstract Belarusian institutional historical memory (as defined by Richard Ned Lebow) and the interpretation of Belarusian national history have experienced radical shifts in the past several decades. The first shift (1990–1994) was characterized by radical rejection of the interpretational and methodological patterns of the Soviet period, resulting in the creation of a new concept of Belarusian national history and historical narrative. The second shift in the existing historical narrative and institutional memory followed rapidly. It came with the transformation from a parliamentary republic into a parliamentary-presidential (1994) and then presidential republic (1996). The second wave demonstrated a clear shift towards a methodological, theoretical approach and terminological framework typical of the historiography of the Soviet period. These changes were in response to the growing demands for ideological control of institutionalized historical research supported by the government in the same decade. One of the characteristic features of recent Belarusian state-sponsored historiography (Lyč, Chigrinov, Marcuĺ, Novik and others) is the linking of post-Soviet national initiatives to Nazi occupation and collaboration in World War II. Another typical feature is simplifying historical explanations and often using undisguised pejorative terminology. The last shift in institutional historical memory also resulted in further re-interpretations of many symbolic centres and milestones of Belarusian history (for example, the period of the first years of post-Soviet independence, the introduction of new national symbols (Pahonia coat of arms and white-red-white flag) and the interwar nationality policy of Belarusization of the 1920s.)


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan

“The real treasure is in the minds of our children, and all we have to do is extract it.” Her Majesty Queen Rania Al Abdullah writes in website Queen Rania Foundation For Education And Development www.qrf.org/en. Rania Al Yassin was born on August 31, 1970. She obtained her Bachelor’s degree in Business Administration from the American University of Cairo in 1991. She applied this, first, to a banking career in Jordan and, later, to the information technology sector. After marrying Prince Abdullah bin Al Hussein on June 10, 1993, they went on to have four children: Prince Hussein, Princess Iman, Princess Salma, and Prince Hashem. In addition to being a wife and mother, Queen Rania works hard to lift the lives of Jordanians by supporting their endeavours and helping to create new opportunities for them. Locally, she is committed to breathe new life into the public education system; empower communities and women especially through microfinance initiatives; protect children and families; and drive innovation, technology and entrepreneurship, especially amongst young people. Internationally, Queen Rania is an advocate for tolerance, compassion and bridge building between people of all cultures and backgrounds. Her efforts to simultaneously challenge stereotypes of Arabs and Muslims, and promote greater understanding and acceptance between people of all faiths and cultures, have won her global recognition. Her Majesty’s passion is education. She believes that every Jordanian girl and boy, and all children, should have access not only to stimulating classrooms and modern curricula, but inspiring teachers and technology that can connect Jordan’s children to the world and the world to Jordan’s children. Her efforts in the education sector complement the work of the Ministry of Education through initiatives such as the Jordan Education Initiative, the Queen Rania Teachers Academy, Madrasati, Edraak and others. To realize these and so much more, Queen Rania has encouraged private sector partners to drive improvements and strengthen the foundations of Jordan’s education system. Queen Rania is also a global voice for access to quality education for children around the world. In 2009, Her Majesty championed the 1 Goal campaign for education; she is Honorary Chair of the UN Girl’s Education Initiatives and has advocated access to education in forums and gatherings around the world. Her work and her efforts to improve the learning opportunities for children have been recognized at the highest levels, nationally, regionally and internationally. Additionally, through her position on their boards, Her Majesty contributes to the work of the United Nations Fund and the World Economic Forum. She is the Eminent Advocate for UNICEF; and she was part of the UN appointed High Level Panel who advised on the shape and content of the Sustainable Development Goals which aim to improve the lives of millions of people before 2030. In recognition of her work, Her Majesty has humbly accepted many awards, locally, regionally and globally. These include the Walther Rathenau Award from the Walther RathenauInstitut in Germany for her efforts to greater peace and understanding; the James C. Morgan Global Humanitarian Award from Tech Awards, USA; the Arab Knight of Giving Award from Arab Giving Forum, UAE; the North South Prize by the North South Prize, Portugal; as well as the YouTube Visionary Award. Her Majesty authored several books primarily for children including the Sandwich Swap, which was inspired by her own childhood experiences.


The Napoleonic Wars took place from 1802 to 1815 and fundamentally altered the political, social, cultural, and military structures of Europe and, to a lesser extent, the rest of the world. This created a collective memory that influenced, and continues to influence, the modern world in a myriad of ways. The conflicts were a continuation of the French Revolutionary Wars, which bear their own collective and historical memory. They involved nearly every power in Europe, affecting them each to varying degrees. Political and legal systems changed, both as a result of Revolutionary ideals and the introduction of the Code Napoléon. Nationalism and national identity formation accelerated during the period, often benefiting from opposition to Napoleon or the destruction of existing systems wrought by the Revolutionary spirit that French armies brought to occupied territories, spurring the creation of national memory wherever they appeared. Napoleon and his power, undeniable genius, success, and ultimate failure have proven an irresistible and enduring figure of autobiographical and biographical memory in realms as diverse as fiction, wargaming, and history, both popular and academic. The methods of his armies became the paradigm for contemporary militaries, and their legacy continues to form the bedrock of collective, institutional, and popular memory. The arts contain their own cultural memory of Napoleon, many of which remain current. Collectively, the various aspects of the cultural and historical memory of the Napoleonic Wars have become a part of many important areas of history and historiography. As a result, works on Napoleon, his empire, and the Napoleonic Wars are voluminous and grow significantly every year.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Mateusz Borowski

Summary The article is devoted to the analysis of chosen examples of counterfactual narratives which diverge from the typical alternative accounts of history written in the “what if” mode. It focuses on counterfactual representations of space flight and moon landing as crucial historical events of the 20th century. The point of departure for the text is provided by the New Historicist understanding of historical fact and historical event, with particular attention paid to Hayden White’s concept of metahistory. However, to identify the possible functions of the new counterfactuals, I go beyond the binary of past and present which lies at the core of White’s concept. To this end, I employ Jacques Derrida’s concept of artifactuality, which describes the process of the production of facts about current events. I apply this concept to analyse two examples of counterfactual films about space flight: the comedy Moonwalkers (dir. Alain Bardou-Jacquet, 2015) and a mockumentary First on the Moon (dir. Aleksey Fedorchenko, 2005). In these examples, I identify strategies of deconstruction of fact-making which Derrida recommended in his essay. In the concluding part, I introduce the third example of counterfactual narrative, which not so much deconstructs factuality but, rather, counteracts the process of cultural oblivion. In Hidden Figures (2016), Margo Lee Shetterly reconstructed the role that African-American women played in the space race, introducing them into the official historical narrative. In this case, I also compare the book with its cinematic rendition to argue that counterfactuals introduce a new model of thinking of collective relationship with the past.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Bizuayehu Dengechi Dachachi ◽  
Nigatuwa Worku Woyessa ◽  
Fisseha Mikre Weldmeskel

This study examined the level of psychological well-being between the Ethnic Minority group, commonly called “Manjo,” and the majority group called “Gomero.” Psychological well-being questionnaires were administered to a sample of 298 (independent sample from both groups). The findings demonstrated that the non-Manjo (Gomero) Ethnic group possessed a considerably high level of psychological well-being. Statistical differences were found in participants’ psychological well-being across Ethnic groups. According to the results, participants from the Manjo Ethnic Minority group had a lower level of psychological well-being (M = 211.27, SD = 17.51) compared to the majority (Gomero). A statistically significant variation in psychological well-being (theoretically embodied across a broad spectrum of measurement units) among the two independent study groups was reflected. 


Author(s):  
Tetyana Hitrova ◽  
Olena Tsvetayeva

The article examines the discourse of «decommunisation» in a public plane of the modern Ukrainian information space. Its rhetorical dominant is represented by the communication strategies of the supporters and opponents of the package of «historical» laws adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on April 9, 2015.The author of the article has reproduced the chronical development of discourse «decommunisation» within the national concept of «historical memory».European practice of condemnation of communist crimes was analyzed; factual material representing the international dialogue discussion Ukrainian decommunisation process was involved. Special attention is given to the issue of decommunisation of the media sector, it was emphasised on the controversial aspects of interpretation of legislation «purification» from the Soviet Communist symbols. Functional explications of discourse «decommunisation» in the media were studied, in particular within the event content, social content of the problem, subject-content argumentation and contextualization in international, legal, moral and ethical plane, mythologizing the narrative. On the basis of factual material the basic meaning of the public topics of the analyzed discourse flow was revealed, it was indicated on its dependence of the communication purpose of the speeches. Infographic representation of the component «decommunisation» in the media has been analyzed, including the frequency of use of official symbols and their substantive relevance. It was revealed that the information occasion and the intensity of publications within the discourse is caused not only by the event content, but also by the methodological source (Calendar of decommunisation), developed by the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory. The reasoning patterns of the texts were analyzed and it was found that the strategy of «responsible contextualization» contributes to the formation of the constructive dialogue. It was indicated on the necessity of attraction of qualitative component of communicative media strategies, including the use of critical narratives. The author has focused on the ambivalent influence of the discourse on the design of public opinion, the set of public representations which, depending on the purpose of communication, contributes to the formation conventional meanings, the effect of «normalization» and manipulation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 89 (4) ◽  
pp. 346-364
Author(s):  
K. R. Harriman

The raising of Lazarus from the dead has proven to be a problematic story for biblical scholarship. Despite its significance in featuring Jesus raising a man who had been dead for four days and in being a catalyst for Jesus’s death, it is only mentioned in the Gospel according to John, possibly the latest of the canonical Gospels. Of course, the Lazarus story also raises the question that has inspired much discussion: Can a historian qua historian rationally affirm a miracle claim for a historical event? I argue that it is possible for a historian following a sound methodology to affirm that a miracle claim is the most likely explanation for an event. In the specific case of the Lazarus story, I argue that the most likely explanation is that it substantially reflects a genuine historical memory of one of Jesus’s deeds.


2020 ◽  
pp. 233-272
Author(s):  
Andreas Martin Fleckner

Roman businessmen eager to launch a joint business venture could choose among three legal forms: the societas, the societas publicanorum, and the peculium of a commonly held slave. None of these forms led to large capital associations, let alone business corporations with publicly traded shares. The high level of instability is one of the key explanations: under Roman law, it was virtually impossible to commit capital for the long term and finance capital-intensive enterprises. The societas was inevitably liquidated following numerous dissolution events; its members could withdraw their money at any time; and private creditors were not barred from seizing common assets. The peculium was even more unstable: In addition to the dissolution events of the societas, the joint venture came to an end and all peculium items reverted back to the masters when the commonly held slave died. While the societas publicanorum developed into a more stable institution over time, during the same period, its business almost disappeared as state authorities stopped putting capital-intensive projects out to tender. How can a modern reader make sense of the picture that emerges from the sources? The present chapter suggests that reservations in the social and political setting, rather than economic factors or oddities of Roman legal doctrine, caused business associations to remain small. This is an important lesson from history, both for the theory of the firm and for the role that law plays in it.


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