Intervention and State-Building

2014 ◽  
Vol 656 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Monten

Since 2001, international attention has focused on the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, and specifically on the question of whether external intervention can assist weak or fragile states in successfully making the transition to stable democracies. This article analyzes the U.S. occupations of Japan beginning in 1945, Afghanistan beginning in 2001, and Iraq beginning in 2003, and uses these cases to review and critique the literature on why some interventions have been more successful than others in building robust and effective state institutions. The comparative analysis suggests that external interveners face substantial barriers to state-building in circumstances that lack favorable domestic preconditions. The United States has been more successful when preserving existing state capacity than when attempting to build state strength where it did not previously exist.

Author(s):  
Allison Varzally

This chapter focuses upon the aftermath of Operation Babylift, the mass airlift of Vietnamese children to the United states on the eve of the nation’s formal withdrawal. Arguably the most dramatic episode of the unfolding adoption and migration story, it received overwhelming media coverage, captured international attention, and pushed Vietnamese adoptees to the center of debates about the war’s end and aftermath. Although the architects of the airlift hoped it would improve the America’s reputation and benefit Vietnamese children, it stoked significant controversy among Americans and Vietnamese who accused the U.S. and Vietnamese governments of playing politics. The airlift and its controversy also displayed the creative ways in which Vietnamese families stretched across national boundaries an, demanded reunions, and disputed American efforts to contain and control the legacies of war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Nai-Cheng Kuo ◽  
Loretta Aniezue

Value-creating education, developed by Tsunesaburo Makiguchi (1871-1944), Josei Toda (1900-1958), and Daisaku Ikeda (1928-present), is a relatively new educational philosophy based on compassion and love for humanity. Originating in Japan, this philosophy has gradually gained international attention through scholarly research, particularly in the United States (Sherman, 2016). In this paper, we discuss how value-creating education can maximize the use of the U.S. national teacher education standards, InTASC, across four categories: the learner and learning, content knowledge, instructional practice, and professional responsibility. By using value-creating education, we hope to cultivate teachers whose role is not merely to deliver knowledge but to nurture the next generation who will uphold the dignity of each individual’s life.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline L. Hazelton

Debates over how governments can defeat insurgencies ebb and flow with international events, becoming particularly contentious when the United States encounters problems in its efforts to support a counterinsurgent government. Often the United States confronts these problems as a zero-sum game in which the government and the insurgents compete for popular support and cooperation. The U.S. prescription for success has had two main elements: to support liberalizing, democratizing reforms to reduce popular grievances; and to pursue a military strategy that carefully targets insurgents while avoiding harming civilians. An analysis of contemporaneous documents and interviews with participants in three cases held up as models of the governance approach—Malaya, Dhofar, and El Salvador—shows that counterinsurgency success is the result of a violent process of state building in which elites contest for power, popular interests matter little, and the government benefits from uses of force against civilians.


2005 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel L. Magnan ◽  
Sylvie St-Onge ◽  
Linda Thorne

This study attempts to identify determinants of executive compensation in Canada while comparing how they differ between Canada and the United States. Results suggest that firm size, firm performance, and firm ownership structure all determine executive compensation in Canada. However, several differences between the determinants of executive compensation in Canada and the U.S. are identified.


Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (8) ◽  
pp. 19-20
Author(s):  
John A. Marcum

Contrary to popular perceptions, the governments of the United States and Angola share a core of compatible foreign policy objectives. Each government, for its own reasons, believes that its national interests may be best served by reducing border conflict and external intervention in highly flammable Southwest Africa. This congruence of interests became increasingly apparent and even led to a measure of bilateral cooperation dur ing the last years of the Carter administration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Wan-Soo Lee ◽  
Min-Kyu Lee ◽  
Seok Kang ◽  
Jae-Woong Yoo

This study explored a comparative analysis of how the South Korean and United States media framed the Samsung–Apple patent lawsuit. The South Korean and U.S. media have a tendency to report Samsung–Apple patent disputes in a completely different angle. While framing in favor of Samsung was frequent in South Korea, neutral frames were dominant in the United States. The South Korean newspapers showed a stronger nationalism in favor of Samsung, whereas the U.S. newspapers portrayed the business conflict in the market logic. The South Korean and U.S. newspapers also showed differences in framing according to the ideological characteristics of the newspaper. In South Korea, the main conservative newspaper ( Chosun Ilbo) framed the issue in favor of Samsung and the largest liberal newspaper ( Hankyoreh) revealed a tendency to frame it in favor of Apple. However, in the United States, only the main business newspaper ( Wall Street Journal) favored Apple. This study contributes to news framing research in that socio-cultural divergences, framing pool (e.g., generic frames vs. issue-specific frames), and journalistic contexts considered systematically.


2017 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Wilkin

The 1961 Copyright Office study on renewals, authored by Barbara Ringer, has cast an outsized influence on discussions of the U.S. 1923–1963 public domain. As more concrete data emerge from initiatives such as the large-scale determination process in the Copyright Review Management System (CRMS) project, questions are raised about the reliability or meaning of the Ringer data. A closer examination of both the Ringer study and CRMS data demonstrates fundamental misunderstandings and misrepresentations of the Ringer data, as well as possible methodological issues. Estimates of the size of the corpus of public domain books published in the United States from 1923 through 1963 have been inflated by problematic assumptions, and we should be able to correct mistaken conclusions with reasonable effort.


2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Taylor

Abstract: This article offers a comparative analysis exploring early developments in digital television broadcasting in the United States and Canada. The U.S. transition is now complete (2009) but the Canadian analogue shut-off remains a site of controversy. Through the examination of primary documents-official reports, policy announcements, statistics, and speeches from key political and industrial figures-this article challenges traditional conceptions of broadcasting governance in the two countries.Résumé : Cet article présente une analyse comparative explorant les premiers développements de la télévision numérique aux États-Unis et au Canada. La transition est désormais terminée aux États-Unis (2009) mais l'arrêt de la télévision analogique au Canada fait encore l'objet de controverses. Par le biais de l'examen de documents primaires-rapports officiels, annonces politiques, statistiques et discours de figures de l'industrie et de politiciens clés-cet article remet en question les conceptions traditionnelles de gouvernance dans ces deux pays.


Author(s):  
Sharon Erickson Nepstad

Sharon Erickson Nepstad’s chapter hones our understanding of how religion can shape activists’ interpretations of repression. Through a comparative analysis of the Plowshares movements in the United States and Sweden, this chapter argues that long prison sentences did not harm the U.S. Plowshares movement in part because activists’ Catholic beliefs and identity led them to view repression in religious terms that deepened their commitment, motivation, and unity. The chapter contrasts the U.S. case to the experience of the secular Swedish Plowshares activists, who interpreted their repression in ways that made them susceptible to internal disputes, waning commitment, and co-optation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-406
Author(s):  
Kurt Weyland

How grave is the threat that populist leaders pose to democracy? To elucidate the prospects of the United States under president Donald Trump, I conduct a wide-ranging comparative analysis of populism’s regime impact in Europe and Latin America. The investigation finds that the risks have been overestimated. Populist leaders manage to suffocate democracy only when two crucial conditions coincide. First, institutional weakness, which comes in various types, creates vulnerabilities to populist power grabs. Second, even in weaker institutional settings populist leaders can only succeed with their illiberal machinations if acute yet resolvable crises or extraordinary bonanzas give them overwhelming support which enables them to override and dismantle institutional constraints to power concentration. Because none of these conditions prevail in the United States, an undemocratic involution is very unlikely. First, the federal system of checks and balances, rooted in an unusually rigid constitution, remains firm and stable. Second, President Trump encountered neither acute crises nor a huge windfall; consequently, his mass support has remained limited. Facing strong resistance from an energized opposition party and a vibrant civil society, the U.S. populist cannot destroy democracy. Instead, Trump’s transgressions of norms of civility have sparked an intense counter-mobilization that may inadvertently revitalize U.S. democracy.


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