Soviet Atheism and Its Aftermath

Author(s):  
Sonja Luehrmann

If Soviet atheism is a variety of secularism, it more resembles eliminationist movements viewing religions as obstacles to the political integration of citizens into the state. Before World War II, the Bolshevik government issued decrees to disentangle the state from the church. Later, Khrushchev emphasized atheism and closed churches as part of a general populist, mobilizational approach to promoting communist values. By the 1970s, religious practices were not precluded but were assigned a marginal space outside of public engagement. The post-Soviet era has seen self-reported religiosity increase, while self-reported atheism has diminished, although remaining significant. Russia’s 1997 law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations requires a denomination to exist in a region for fifteen years to enjoy the full legal and tax status. Today, Russia differentiates between “good” religions that help to promote particular moral visions and “bad” religions that create social strife, promote violence, and endanger public health.

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 47-61
Author(s):  
Piotr Jaworski ◽  

Among the various forms of association of the Catholic laity in the Church, one can distinguish associations and organisations – whether they are based on canonical or civil law on associations – and informal circles: religious movements, groups, circles and small groups. The difficult situation of the Church in Poland after World War II was not conducive to the creation of organisations whose activities would be approved by both the church authorities and the state authorities. If, however, quasi-ecclesiastical or religious organisations were to emerge that were recognised by the civil authorities, these were unfortunately organisations that had very little in common with the good of the Church and the faithful. Against this backdrop, the Catholic Intelligence Clubs were a kind of phenomenon. They enjoyed the approval of the Church authorities and, to some extent, the unintentional recognition of the state authorities, and sought to strengthen religious education by forming people and communities in the Christian spirit, shaping social attitudes, creating and deepening Christian culture, intellectual development and various forms of charitable activity. Three Catholic Intelligentsia Clubs were established in the Tarnów Diocese: in Nowy Sącz, Tarnów and Mielec.


1980 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-67
Author(s):  
Alistair Kee

Religion is widely practised in Poland. This fact is well known in the West, though it is always a matter of some amazement. What is less well known and perhaps more amazing is the extent to which religion is studied in Poland. Before World War II there were of course the well-established faculties of theology in Warsaw, Wilno (now in the U.S.S.R.) and the fourteenth-century foundation in the ancient capital of Krakow. The Catholic University of Lublin is a private institution set up by the Church in 1920. It has some very distinguished scholars and its degrees are recognised by the State. Some courses in theology are also taught there, mainly for the training of priests but also for lay people who may intend to work with, for example, K.I.K., the circle of Catholic intellectuals.


1992 ◽  
Vol 48 (1/2) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. P. Oberholzer

The Faculty of Theology (Sec A) at the University of Pretoria: Inquiry into its identity and problem areas This article is a short survey of theological viewpoints on the character and task of the church, as reflected in church literature during the past 75 years. It is shown that political history after World War II had a marked effect on thinking in the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk and that recent changes on the political scene pose penetrating questions to theologians. A full inquiry into the contours of self-definition is called for and some relevant issues are indicated; an honest evaluation in respect of the political and social context which is reflected in positions adopted, a pastoral compassion which takes note of human misery, cognisance of the ecumenical character of the church, and ethical and academic responsibility.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 631-649 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Skoric ◽  
Milivoj Beslin

This paper explores the phenomenon of revisionism in historiography, while focusing in particular on illegitimate revisionism and negationism. It is indisputably true that historiography must be subject to constant revisions. Like all scientific theories, it needs to be characterized by a sort of ?conservative? openness towards new ideas; however, revisions and negations are often put forward without scientific grounding. They reject the well-established historiographical methods, while opening themselves to various kinds of ideologies, biases and manipulations. The paper further offers a synthesized overview of the revisionist practice in dominant parts of the society and historiography in post-communist Serbia. The change in the ideological paradigm that occurred in the 1980s was accompanied by a politically motivated reinterpretation of the past, which primarily focused on World War II in Yugoslavia. In Serbia in the 1990s, Tito?s Partisans were no longer celebrated as national heroes and fighters against fascism; they were replaced by the royalist and nationalist Chetniks led by Draza Mihailovic, whose collaboration with the occupying forces was purposefully glossed over. The nationalist interpretation of history and the new revisionist politics in Serbia were supported by the state and the activities of its three branches: legislative, executive and judicial. In spite of the political changes that took place in Serbia in 2000, the dominant nationalist matrix in historical interpretations and revisionist politics remained unchanged.


1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-65
Author(s):  
Camilla Bettoni

SUMMARY Multiculturalism the Australian Way: Between Rigorous Documentation and Passionate Defense Australia is an extraordinary country, not only because of the wealth of its linguistic raw material, but also for the scientific rigor with which it tries to document it and the political passion with which it tries to preserve it. The books here reviewed are but two recent examples of this exceptional activity. They are considered together because they complement each other: one documents the state of the art for the numerous immigrant languages, the other the official language policies that have accompanied their arrival since World War II. RESUMO Plurlingvismo aŭstralie: Inter rigora dokumentado kaj pasia defendo Aŭstralio estas nekutima lando, ne nur pro sia abundo da lingva krudmaterialo, sed ankaŭ pro la rigoreco per kiu gi provas dokumenti gin kaj pro la politika pasieco per kiu gi provas konservi gin. La recenzataj libroj estas nur du lastatempaj specimenoj el tiu escepta agado. Ili estas traktataj kune, car ili komplementas unu la alian: unu dokumentas la aktualan nivelon de scio pri la multnombraj lingvoj de enmigrintoj kaj la alia la oficialajn lingvopolitikojn, kiuj de la dua mondmilito akompanis ilian alvenadon.


Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

This chapter continues the examination of Bonhoeffer’s first phase of resistance through an exposition of “The Church and the Jewish Question,” turning now to the modes of resistance proper to the church’s preaching office. Because such resistance involves the church speaking against the state, it appears to stand in contradiction with Bonhoeffer’s suggestion earlier in the essay that the church should not speak out against the state. This is in fact not a contradiction but rather the coherent expression of the political vision as outlined in the first several chapters of this book, which requires that the church criticize the state under certain circumstances but not others. The specific form of word examined here is the indirectly political word (type 3 resistance) by which the church reminds the messianic state of its mandate to preserve the world with neither “too little” nor “too much” order.


Author(s):  
Amanda L. Tyler

The experience of World War II and the precedent of the Japanese American internment dramatically altered the political and legal landscape surrounding habeas corpus and suspension. This chapter discusses Congress’s enactment of the Emergency Detention Act of 1950 along with its repeal in 1971. It further explores how in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, questions over the scope of executive authority to detain prisoners in wartime arose anew. Specifically, this chapter explores the Supreme Court’s sanctioning of the concept of the “citizen-enemy combatant” in its 2004 decision in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld and evaluates Hamdi against historical precedents. Finally, the chapter explores how Hamdi established the basis for an expansion of the reach of the Suspension Clause in other respects—specifically, to the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?


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