scholarly journals Elite Strategy, Social Cleavages, and Party Systems in a New Democracy

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
PRADEEP CHHIBBER ◽  
MARIANO TORCAL
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Elite Strategy ◽  
Electoral Studies ◽  
Strategic Policy ◽  
New Democracy

Electoral studies of the Spanish party system have consistently noticed that social class has no influence on the vote. This paper will argue that social class has emerged as influential in determining the vote between the two major parties—the PSOE and PP. The development of these links between social class and political parties resulted from the strategic programmatic choice made by the political elites of both major parties since 1989 and the policy adopted by the governing PSOE. Evidence for this argument will be drawn from a very large Spanish survey conducted in 1992, a textual analysis of party platforms, and a survey of government economic policy since 1989. The attribution of this association between social class and the vote in Spain to the strategic policy choices made by elites also offers an additional perspective on how social divisions come to be linked to party systems.

Translating Social Cleavages into Party Systems: The Significance of New Democracies

2002 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakub Zielinski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Theoretic Model ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
Social Cleavage

This article focuses on new democracies in Eastern Europe and addresses two questions about the translation of social cleavages into political oppositions. The first question concerns the translation of preexisting cleavages: does the evolution of new party systems influence the politicization of social conflicts? The second question concerns the translation of new social cleavages, that is, cleavages that emerge once a party system freezes: can a new social cleavage be politicized? To answer these questions, the article integrates a formalization of social cleavage theory with a game-theoretic model of a new party system. The first result is that translation of preexisting cleavages depends on which parties survive the early rounds of electoral competition. In fact, depending on which parties survive, the axis of political conflict can shift by 90 degrees. This implies that party systems in new democracies should be seen as important founding moments, during which political actors determine the long-term axes of political conflict. The second result is that once a party system freezes, the politicization of a new social cleavage is difficult. Indeed, it is possible that a new social cleavage will remain politically dormant. In the context of Eastern Europe, this result suggests that political salience of class conflict is likely to be low because competitive elections and political parties predate the entrenchment of propertyowning classes.

The Puzzle of Indian Politics: Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System

1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
John R. Petrocik
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Theory Analysis ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Cleavage

The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the expectations of the theory. More importantly, this social cleavage theory analysis offers some new perspectives on (1) the inability of the Indian political system to develop national parties other than the Congress and (2) the ‘disaggregation’ of the Congress party.

Political Volatility and Governance in East Central Europe

Slavic Review ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 903-924 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Forestiere
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Quality Of Governance ◽  
New Democracy

In this article, Carolyn Forestiere investigates political volatility as a way to explain varying levels of governance across the new democracies of east central Europe. Specifically, legislative and executive volatility are examined. The results suggest that differences in legislative volatility help explain variations in governance, especially during the beginning of a new democracy. Once party systems begin to consolidate, however, differences in executive volatility begin to matter more. A case study of Poland confirms some of Forestiere's conclusions. While the legislative party system has shown some signs of stabilization, executive volatility remains a salient political problem, which over time has led to a steady decline in the quality of governance.

scholarly journals The impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems: A comparative analysis of the countries of the former SFRY

Sociologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-377
Author(s):  
Despot Kovacevic
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Party Differences ◽  
The Impact

Party systems represent parts of political systems which arise as a result of interactions between political parties. Party relations produce characteristics which place a particular party system within the typology of party systems. A number of factors can be considered in explaining the nature of party competition, most often placed within the categories of institutional and sociostructural factors. This paper analyses the impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems. Given that the theory of social cleavages has proved insufficient in explaining party differences and the dynamics of party systems, especially in new democracies, we will improve the analysis by including the concept of partial social cleavages. This research shows the unequivocal influence of dominant social cleavages on the situation and changes in party systems. Although in some cases no changes in the type of party system have occurred, it can be concluded that exactly in those cases there exist permanent and ingrained social cleavages, but also partial cleavages which affect the relations in the party system at the given time. Identity issues stand out as the dominant topic in political competition, especially in the countries where ethnic relations have not been resolved.

scholarly journals The Ideological Shadow of Authoritarianism

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (12) ◽  
pp. 1957-1991 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Dinas ◽  
Ksenia Northmore-Ball
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Development ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Negative Bias ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Significant Bias ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
New Democracy

How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left–right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left–right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin’s era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies.

The Party System

2020 ◽  
pp. 218-238
Author(s):  
Yannis Tsirbas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
System P ◽  
Key Concepts ◽  
The Status ◽  
Social Liberalism ◽  
New Democracy ◽  
Social Conservatism

The chapter delves into the historical evolution, the characteristics, and the dynamics of the Greek party system. It presents the transformations that it has undergone in its historical course, focusing on the period after the economic crisis, by employing key concepts, covering important electoral contests, and presenting the most relevant political parties. More specifically, the Greek party system has moved from largely a system of a predominant party before the 1967 dictatorship, to limited polarized pluralism after the restoration of democracy in 1974, and then to one of the most stable two-party systems in Europe from 1981 until the onset of the economic crisis, with PASOK and New Democracy monopolizing power between them. Nationally minded versus Left, Right versus anti-Right, social liberalism versus social conservatism and, lately, pro-European versus anti-European, have been the major dimensions of conflict of the Greek party system. After decades of high institutionalization and moderate volatility, the party system imploded in the 2012 twin earthquake elections, demonstrating massive dealignment and fragmentation, with PASOK almost vanishing and new actors, like SYRIZA, acquiring the status of relevant parties. Radical, anti-systemic parties, like Golden Dawn, also gained prominence and the party system transformed into a polarized multi-partyism. Almost a decade into the crisis, the Greek party system shows signs of a hesitant stabilization and, even, indications of a weak re-emerging bi-partyism between New Democracy and SYRIZA, posing the question as to whether it will reach a new equilibrium and what this equilibrium will be, in terms of format and internal dynamics.

The Impact of Campaign Finance Laws on Party Competition

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua D. Potter ◽  
Margit Tavits
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Campaign Finance ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
System Size ◽  
Theoretical Concept ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Campaign Finance Laws ◽  
The Impact

The comparative literature on party systems has convincingly demonstrated that electoral rules, social cleavages and their interaction can explain much of the cross-national variation in the size of party systems. This literature, however, has thus far ignored campaign finance laws. This article argues that various campaign finance laws exert more or less restrictive pressures on party competition. It develops a new theoretical concept, fund parity. The study demonstrates the positive relationship between fund parity and party system size and employs additional tests to supplement the regression analysis in order to account for potential endogeneity issues. The findings underscore an intuitive – but heretofore untested – relationship: increasing parity makes party competition more permissive and increases the size of the party system.

Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-353
Author(s):  
Rostislav Turovsky ◽  
Marina Sukhova
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Strong Connection ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
Subnational Elections ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Research ◽  
Party System ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
System Change ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Institutional Reforms

This final chapter draws out the two main conclusions from the book. First, it discusses the policy implications of its findings. It suggests caution in the decentralization of political authority as a remedy for democratic underperformance in patronage-based democracies. Rather than making government more accountable, it may instead exacerbate principal–agent conflicts between center and periphery. More important than decentralization in the short term may be institutional reforms at the center that make parties more programmatic and responsive to citizens. Second, it sets out some of the implications of the book’s findings for the study of populism and party-system change more generally. It shows that the varied ways in which voters and parties are linked creates different pathways to the decline of establishment parties and the success of populist alternatives. Further comparative research across party systems might contribute positively to institutional reform and political change.

Political Cleavages and Political Parties

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Dimensional Space ◽  
New Left ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
Policy Choices

This chapter uses the cleavage positions of Candidates to the European Parliament (CEPs) to as representative of their parties’ political positions. Three surveys of CEPs track the evolution of party supply in European party systems. In 1979 parties were primarily aligned along a Left–Right economic cleavage. Gradually new left and Green parties began to compete in elections and crystallized and represented liberal cultural policies. In recent decades new far-right parties arose to represent culturally conservative positions. The cross-cutting cultural cleavage has also prompted many of the established parties to alter their policy positions. In most multiparty systems, political parties now compete in a fully populated two-dimensional space. This increases the supply of policy choices for the voters. The analyses are based on the Candidates to the European Parliament Studies in 1979, 1994, and 2009.

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