scholarly journals From ‘the effect of repression’ toward ‘the response to repression’

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (6) ◽  
pp. 950-973 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Honari

Scholars have long been interested in explaining the effect of state repression on political participation. Recent reviews of research on state repression highlighted contradictory findings about this effect, yet the core question is still debated: what accounts for the variation in the effects of repression? This article posits that, to make sense of the variation in repression’s effect on political participation, theorization needs to move toward predictions about individuals’ responses to repression. The article, thus, attempts to lay the foundations for such theorization by reviewing the scholarship on the relationship between repression and political participation through the lens of the strategic choices individuals can make. Seeing individuals as having agency and shifting focus to their responses to repression (1) offers a broader picture of the activities available to discontented people under repression and (2) provides a better account of the contentious politics occurring under repression. A number of strategies in response to repression are identified. The notion of ‘choice points’ is applied to formulate hypotheses about why or under what conditions people choose a particular strategy in response to repression. In doing so, this article outlines new avenues for empirical research on repression.

Author(s):  
Gerard Steen

This article presents some considerations into metaphor in language and thought- 'the topic and title of the first conference of its kind in Brazil'. The paper focuses on the discussions presented in the round table, which were mostly directed to the empirical research on metaphor in Applied Linguistics. This integrative and retrospective reflection on the papers presented will be conducted from the perspective of the debate into the relationship between metaphor in language and in thought. This central issue is at the core of my proposal for four different approaches to metaphor, based on the interdependence between language and thought as system and as use:1) metaphor in language as system; 2) metaphor in thought as system; 3) metaphor in language as use and 4) metaphor in thought as use. It is within the framework of these categories that metaphors should be studied, with a certain degree of autonomy, so that their interdependence can be better understood.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Steven Brooke ◽  
Elizabeth R. Nugent

Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witnessed more anti-state and sectarian (anti-Christian) violence following the 2013 military coup. The same relationship holds for the performance of liberal Islamist Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh, which is consistent with arguments that political exclusion alone may also drive violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 670-690
Author(s):  
Eric W. Schoon ◽  
Alexandra Pocek Joosse ◽  
H. Brinton Milward

Legitimacy is widely theorized as shaping the dynamics of contentious politics, fostering support and stability for those involved while imposing behavioral constraints. Yet, empirical research reveals wide variation in how these effects are realized in practice. We contend that divergences in legitimacy’s effects are tied in fundamental ways to the relationship between actors engaged in contentious politics and their audience(s). We develop a framework that highlights three conditions shaping the effects of legitimacy—legitimacy type, network balance, and structural dependence—and use a comparative analysis of dyadic relationships of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, and Jemaah Islamiyah to illustrate how convergence and divergence in legitimacy’s effects are systematically structured by these conditions. Doing so advances scholarship on legitimacy in contentious politics by providing a basis for systematically comparing the effects of legitimacy across cases, situations, and historical contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
Andrijana Maksimović

This paper uses the data collected by the empirical research of personalized religiosity and political activism, as well as the secondary data analysis of European Value Study - EVS. Personalized religiosity is defined through the following aspects: the belief in a divine being / spirit / life force; inner spirituality; interest in the sacred / supernatural; finding solace in faith; prayer and / or meditation. In operational terms, political activism consists of five variables: sign petitions and join boycotts, participate in legal demonstrations, join unofficial strikes, occupy business facilities or factories. The aim of the paper is to investigate the relationship between a so-called personalized. secular religiosity and political activism as a form of political participation among Serbian citizens. Using regression analysis, we found that personalized religiosity is a positive but not statistically significant predictor of political activism.


2019 ◽  
pp. 246-256
Author(s):  
A. K. Zholkovsky

In his article, A. Zholkovsky discusses the contemporary detective mini-series Otlichnitsa [A Straight-A Student], which mentions O. Mandelstam’s poem for children A Galosh [Kalosha]: more than a fleeting mention, this poem prompts the characters and viewers alike to solve the mystery of its authorship. According to the show’s plot, the fact that Mandelstam penned the poem surfaces when one of the female characters confesses her involvement in his arrest. Examining this episode, Zholkovsky seeks structural parallels with the show in V. Aksyonov’s Overstocked Packaging Barrels [Zatovarennaya bochkotara] and even in B. Pasternak’s Doctor Zhivago [Doktor Zhivago]: in each of those, a member of the Soviet intelligentsia who has developed a real fascination with some unique but unattainable object is shocked to realize that the establishment have long enjoyed this exotic object without restrictions. We observe, therefore, a typical solution to the core problem of the Soviet, and more broadly, Russian cultural-political situation: the relationship between the intelligentsia and the state, and the resolution is not a confrontation, but reconciliation.


Author(s):  
А.В. Мацук

В статье исследуются события бескоролевья 1733 г. в Речи Посполитой. Согласно «трактату Левенвольде» компромиссным кандидатом на избрание монархом Речи Посполитой был португальский инфант дон Мануэль, которого предложила Австрия. Россия больше склонялась к кандидатуре «пяста». Россия оказалась не подготовленной к началу бескоролевья. Бывшие российские союзники магнаты ВКЛ рассорились с российским послом Фридрихом Казимиром Левенвольде и перешли на сторону Франции. В конце февраля 1733 г. в ВКЛ направили Юрия Ливена, который от имени российской царицы предложил поддержку в получении короны Михаилу Вишневецкому и Павлу Сангушке. Принятое на конвокационном сейме решение об избрании королем «пяста» и католика показало популярность Станислава Лещинского. В результате вслед за Австрией Россия поддержала кандидатом на корону Фридриха Августа. Магнаты ВКЛ до последнего оставались конкурентами о короне. Оппозиция Лещинскому объединилась под лозунгом защиты «вольного выбора» и поэтому в ней остались кандидаты «пясты», которые не могли уступить друг другу, и согласились на компромисс – кандидатуру Фридриха Августа. Для противодействия возможному избранию Лещинского Россия создала в ВКЛ новоградскую конфедерацию. Ее организатором стал новоградский воевода Николай Фаустин Радзивилл. Эта конфедерация становится основой Генеральной Варшавской конфедерации, которая 5 октября 1733 г. избирает королем саксонского курфюрста. The article examines the events of the «kingless» year of 1733 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. According to the Levenwolde Treaties the compromise candidate for the Commonwealth’s throne was the Portuguese Infante Don Manuel, who’s candidacy was proposed by Austria. Russia, in turn, leaned towards the «pyasta» candidate. The Russian Empire was clearly unprepared for the start of the kingless period. Russia’s former allies – magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – came into conflict with the Russian ambassador Frederick Kazimir Levenwolde and sided with France. In late February of 1733, Empress Anna Ioanovna of Russia sent Yuri Liven to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who offered official support in the struggle for the crown to Mikhail Vishnevetsky and Pavel Sangushka. The electoral decision made at the Sejm proved the popularity of the «pyast» and Catholic candidates, specifically – Stanislaus Leschinsky. In turn, Russia – following Austria – showed its support for the candidacy of Frederick August. The magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained in opposition in the crown issue until the very last. Opposition to Leschinsky was united under the motto of «free choice». For that reason, it was comprised of «pyasta» candidates, who were in a deadlock with one another, and were now ready for the compromise candidacy of Frederick Augustus. In order to counter the possible election of Leschinsky, Russia created the Novograd Confederation in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was organized by the Novograd Voevoda Faustin Radzivill. This confederation became the core of the General Warsaw Confederation that – on October 5th 1733 – elected the Saxon King to the throne of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.


Author(s):  
Peter Lake ◽  
Michael Questier

This volume revisits the debates and disputes known collectively in the literature on late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England as the ‘Archpriest Controversy’. We argue that this was an extraordinary instance of the conduct of contemporary public politics and that, in its apparent strangeness, it is in fact a guide to the ways in which contemporaries negotiated the unstable later Reformation settlement in England. The published texts which form the core of the arguments involved in this debate survive, as do several caches of manuscript material generated by the dispute. Together they tell us a good deal about the aspirations of the writers and the networks that they inhabited. They also allow us to retell the progress of the dispute both as a narrative and as an instance of contemporary public argument about topics such as the increasingly imminent royal succession, late Elizabethan puritanism, and the function of episcopacy. Our contention is that, if one takes this material seriously, it is very hard to sustain standard accounts of the accession of James VI in England as part of an almost seamless continuity of royal government, contextualized by a virtually untroubled and consensus-based Protestant account of the relationship between Church and State. Nor is it possible to maintain that by the end of Elizabeth’s reign the fraction of the national Church, separatist and otherwise, which regarded itself or was regarded by others as Catholic had been driven into irrelevance.


Author(s):  
Dustin Gamza ◽  
Pauline Jones

What is the relationship between state repression of religion and political mobilization in Muslim-majority states? Does religious repression increase the likelihood that Muslims will support acts of rebellion against the state? This chapter contends that the effect of repression on attitudes toward political mobilization is conditional on both the degree of enforcement and the type of religious practice that is being targeted. When enforcement is high and the repressive regulation being enforced targets communal (rather than individualistic) religious practices, Muslims expect state persecution of their religious community to increase, and that this persecution will extract a much greater toll. They are thus more willing to support taking political action against the state in order to protect their community from this perceived harm. The chapter tests this argument with two novel survey experiments conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2019. It finds that the degree of enforcement has a significant effect on attitudes toward political mobilization, but this effect is negative (reducing support) rather than positive (increasing support). The chapter also finds that repression targeting communal practices has a stronger effect on attitudes toward political mobilization than repression targeting individualistic practices, but again, these effects are negative. The chapter’s findings suggest that the fear of collective punishment increases as the degree of enforcement increases, particularly when it comes to repression targeting communal practices. Thus, while Muslims are motivated to protect their community from harm, it may be that the certainty of financial and physical harm outweighs the expectation of increasing religious persecution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 109963622199386
Author(s):  
Tianshu Wang ◽  
Licheng Guo

In this paper, a shear stiffness model for corrugated-core sandwich structures is proposed. The bonding area is discussed independently. The core is thought to be hinged on the skins with torsional stiffness. The analytical model was verified by FEM solution. Compared with the previous studies, the new model can predict the valley point of the shear stiffness at which the relationship between the shear stiffness and the angle of the core changes from negative correlation to positive correlation. The valley point increases when the core becomes stronger. For the structure with a angle of the core smaller than counterpart for the valley point, the existing analytical formulations may significantly underestimate the shear stiffness of the structure with strong skins. The results obtained by some previous models may be only 10 persent of that of the present model, which is supported by the FEM model.


Author(s):  
Salvador Santino F Regilme

Abstract Peace is one of most widely used yet highly contested concepts in contemporary politics. What constitutes peace? That broad analytic inquiry motivates this article, which focuses on the contentious discourses of peace within a society besieged by widespread trafficking and use of illegal drugs. Focusing on the illegal drug problem in Colombia and the Philippines, the central puzzle of this paper constitutes two fundamental questions: How do state leaders justify their respective “war on drugs”? How do they construct and discursively articulate ideals of peace in the context of the illegal drug problem? This paper compares the post-9/11 Colombian war on drugs (2002–2010) vis-à-vis the Philippine war on drugs under the Duterte administration (2016–2019), particularly in terms of how their presidential administrations articulate “peace” in the context of resolving the drug problem. The paper examines the varying discourses of peace, investigates how those local discourses relate to global discourses on peace and illegal drugs, and underscores how and under which conditions those peace discourses portray the material distributive conflicts in those societies. The core argument states that the Uribe and Duterte administrations primarily deployed the notion of peace as a justificatory discourse for increased state repression, intensified criminalization of the drug problem, and the reluctance of the state in embracing a public health approach to the proliferation of illegal drugs.


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