scholarly journals Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.

Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-111
Author(s):  
S. A. Vorontsov ◽  
F. I. Sharkov ◽  
A. V. Ponedelkov

This article examines the problems of communication between the government, society and the mass media in the field of extremism prevention through a systematic information policy aimed at identifying the causes and factors that determine radical manifestations, determining measures aimed at their localization, and forming a persistent rejection of illegal behavior of citizens and their associations in society. The competent organization of interaction between the government, society and the media makes it possible to synthesize their efforts in the field of extremism prevention. This approach encompasses not only basic security-based counter-terrorism measures, but also systematic preventive steps to address the underlying conditions that encourage individuals to radicalize and join violent extremist groups. It is necessary to develop specific recommendations and action plans at the federal, regional and local levels of both state and municipal authorities in active interaction with the mass media, in particular, focusing on the root social reasons why some people are attracted to extremist organizations and what measures to combat extremism are most effective.


Author(s):  
Ufuoma Akpojivi

Media freedom is pivotal to the sustenance and consolidation of democracy, as the quality of democracy in any society depends on the level of freedom accorded the media and the plurality of views entertained (Diamond, 2008). The ability of the mass media to carry out their traditional functions of educating, entertaining and enlightening the public about their democratic rights, and holding governments accountable, will subsequently lead to the establishment of a strong democratic institution. Hence there is need to protect media freedom in any democratic society (Baker, 2007; Norris, 2008). The Nigerian media environment, however, is characterised by a series of laws such as sedition law, official secret act, amongst others, which have directly and indirectly hindered the freedom of the mass media and their responsibility of promoting and advancing democracy. This is made worse by the incomprehensive nature of the 1999 Constitution. Using interviews and policy analysis, this chapter critically examines the policy framework of media freedom in Nigeria and its impact on the operation of the mass media. The ability of the media to live up to their responsibility of promoting and advancing the democratisation process in Nigeria within the available framework is also examined.


Author(s):  
Subir Sinha

COVID-19 is the cause of the greatest pandemic of the century that affects almost every nation of our globe. In India, mass media has played a significant role in this pandemic situation. The media coverage revealed fearlessly the condition of COVID-19 and provides a pictorial view of the situation in front of the readers and viewers. The main objectives of these fearless journalistic works were to provide the public valuable authentic information, create awareness among the public, eliminate fake propaganda and fake news, highlight the problem face by the ordinary public, and to provide the government a medium to speak with the public for the public interest. Mass media served as a vital weapon to fight against COVID-19. The valuable information and instructions provided by mass media created awareness among the public and which played a major role to deescalate the graphical representation of active COVID-19 cases. The outbreak of COVID-19 and the dogmatic approaches of the mass media in the pandemic situation have recalled the concept of media as the third pillar of democracy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Ratke-Majewska

AbstractThe main aim of this article is to answer the question of how populist governments of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia affected the freedom of the media in countries governed by them. The text discusses actions made by the leaders who wanted to secure their unrestricted access to the mass media, stifle independent media and make them obedient to the government in order to build a positive image of the authorities. This article also made an attempt to perceive an analogy between Chávez’s and Morales’ decisions and to make a comprehensive assessment of the effects of these interventions


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reggie Dutt

This article evaluates Fiji’s Media Industry Development Decree 2010 by drawing a link between it and the Singaporean media laws and the collaborative role the Fijian regime claims journalism should play in the nation’s development. A number of sections of the Fiji Media Decree are similar to the Singapore Media Development Authority Act 2003 and it contains similar harsh fines and jail terms. The Fiji Media Decree makes provisions for a Media Industry Development Authority and a Media Tribunal, both of which are appointed and controlled by the government. The Authority has wide-ranging powers to search, seize and censor, and refer to the Tribunal incidents which it considers are in breach of the decree. The government minister responsible for administering the decree has a direct say in the make-up of the Media Industry Development Authority and may give directions to the Authority in the performance of its duties and the exercise of its powers. This study explores the powers vested in the government via these two proposed bodies and what they will mean for journalism, freedom of speech and media freedom in Fiji. It also shows the merits of a ‘collaborative journalism’ model for a developing nation but explains how the design is flawed under the conditions it has been imposed in Fiji.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Aaron Ola Ogundiwin ◽  
Joel N. Nwachukwu ◽  
Funminiyi Jacob Babajide

In contemporary times, democracy has become the political buzzword and, indeed, the basic acceptable form of government with the emergence of liberalism which links democracy with freedom, consent, and political and legal equality. The mass media – which include newspapers, radio and television – play a prominent role in governance and democratic sustainability of any state. In fact, it is a truism that the media serve as the watchdog of governmental activities, ensuring that quality information with which the governed can hold their leaders accountable is made available. The mass media were actively involved in the struggles against colonialism and military rule, as well as the eventual restoration of democratic government in Nigeria. However, in Nigeria, the mass media are fast becoming a pawn in the hands of the government and party in power in particular, and are found in conspiracy with the political elite class in general. This article takes on the contributions of the mass media to effectual democracy in Nigeria. Using agenda setting theoretical framework, it x-rays the effectiveness and shortcomings of the media in delivering on its mandate as the fourth estate of the realm towards ensuring that democratic practices in Nigeria produce the intended result of promoting good and inclusive governance. The paper adopts qualitative research design with data drawn from secondary sources only. It equally uses descriptive and content data analysis. It is found that the mass media have indeed been the middlemen in entrenching democracy in Nigeria but these efforts are being undermined by pecuniary, ownership, political and structural-institutional influences. It is concluded that while the mass media strive to ensure the general inclusion of the populace in the process of governing which fulfills a core democratic tenet, they can do more to overcome the challenges. Among other things, this paper recommends that the government should be deliberate in guaranteeing the freedom of the press to allow for free transmission of information between the government and the people without fear or favour, and likewise, the press should be professional, objective, critical and independent in their reportage, embracing the virtue of investigative journalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 240-250
Author(s):  
Rohmah Nia Chandra Sari ◽  
Rachmat Kriyantono ◽  
Desi Dwi Prianti

Covid-19 has become an issue that has been written about in the media since the end of 2019. Since the emergence of the first case in Indonesia in March 2020, efforts are needed to manage disasters that occur. The role of various parties is needed to provide information and communication to the public, one of which is through the mass media. Information on pre-disaster is important for the formation of security and community capacity in dealing with disasters. The mass media becomes a self-warning system in providing information and education to the public. Currently the media continues to grow, the internet makes it easy for every audience to access various information in the mass media, one of which is disaster information. This study aims to provide an overview of how disaster information is packaged in the mass media as a form of disaster communication to the public. The concepts used in this research are disaster management, and disaster journalism. This research method uses descriptive qualitative using literature studies and framing analysis on the online news portal Tribunnews during March 2020. The results of this study indicate that disaster communication determines community attitudes in dealing with disasters. The role of disaster communication in the mass media is very important, and can determine the success of the government in providing information for public safety and overcoming disasters that occur. This research contributes that the optimization of disaster communication is important in disaster management. The government is the main source of the media in finding news sources. Therefore, the government must provide information intake actively, periodically and with a positive frame.


TASAMUH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-138
Author(s):  
Husnul Khatimah

Mass media has an important position in people's lives, so mass media is placed as mass communication which acts as a communicator and agent of change, being a pioneer of change in the public environment that can influence audiences through messages such as information, entertainment, education and other messages and accessible to the public at large. As a form of the importance of media can be seen from the influence felt by the public, starting from the cognitive, effective, to conative aspects of the mass media and the negative-positive impact of social media. Even though the position and role of the media are very important, the community must also be careful with media remember that the nature of the media is so flexible. Negative values ​​of the role of the media in Indonesia can occur either from the mass media or social media, so there needs to be attention from each party, both from the media manager to the community itself. The participation of several parties in paying attention to the media is expected to filter out negative things that might occur.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sione Fatanitavake Vikilani

The Tongan Constitution guarantees free speech and media freedom but this guarantee has often been misunderstood and misinterpreted by the media industry, the government and politicians alike. Freedom of speech was integrated into the Constitution from the beginning in 1875. However, as history has shown, this freedom has often been altered to silence opposition and critics’ voices. As early as 1882, the Tongan media had their first confrontation with the government and in 2003 saw a parallel incident unfolding. This article examines the influence of state control on the media in Tonga through an analysis of two case studies from different eras in Tongan history: the Niuvakai newspaper in 1882 and the Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper in 2003.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-112
Author(s):  
Indira Dupuis

In this article, I present the results of an analysis of print media reporting on the spectacular trial in 1984 against the murderers of Jerzy Popiełuszko in communist Poland. The aim of my research is to show how the coverage contributed to the de-legitimization of the Communist Party despite the mass media system's tight structures of control. Because of mass media functionality, the coverage of this event contributed to political transformation not only by publicizing a hitherto tabooed topic but also by establishing an initial point for informed public criticism of the government.


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