scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM IN KENYA in 2017: A REALITY OR A MIRAGE?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Genga
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media ◽  
Freedom House

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.

scholarly journals Information management in government policy: the challenges of time and responses to them

2021 ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
S. Bulbeniuk ◽  
Yu. Maneliuk
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Communication Techniques ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The article examines the peculiarities of the formation of government policy in the field of information management under the influence of systemic challenges of recent years. Particular attention is paid to the role and place of civil society, in particular its network segment, in the relationship between the state and the media in the media market. The authors propose a rationale for information management and social capital of society as interrelated political and social phenomena. After all, the effective promotion of certain models of information management is possible under the conditions of attracting social capital to the mechanisms of political communication. At the same time, social capital as an exclusively group resource is both an object and a subject of information flows involved in the processes of political communication. The problem of mass media involvement is covered in two aspects. First, through the consideration of communication techniques. Secondly, it was found that in recent years the practice of forming qualitatively different models of mass media financing has become established. The article analyzes the prospects of diversification of mass media funding sources through public activist campaigns of donors and crowdfunding, in particular in Ukraine. In the domestic socio-political realities, according to the authors, it is worth talking more about attempts to introduce such a systemic practice. And this is not surprising, because the spread of donor and crowdfunding practices of the mass media is one of the indicators of the maturity of civil society. However, traditional and modern channels of interaction between the government and civil society in the field of information management can have unpredictable consequences, such as the threat of manipulative influences of different directions.

Rights of the Child

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asha Bajpai
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Law ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Legal Definition ◽  
Rights Of The Child ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of

The chapter commences with the change in the perspective and approach relating to children from welfare to rights approach. It then deals with the legal definition of child in India under various laws. It gives a brief overview of the present legal framework in India. It states briefly the various policies and plans, and programmes of the Government of India related to children. International law on the rights of the child is enumerated and a summary of the important judgments by Indian courts are also included. The chapter ends with pointing out the role of civil society organizations in dealing with the rights of the child and a mention of challenges ahead.

scholarly journals Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Negative Experience ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.

Bounded by the State: Government Priorities and the Development of Private Philanthropic Foundations in China

2015 ◽  
Vol 224 ◽  
pp. 1083-1092 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weijun Lai ◽  
Jiangang Zhu ◽  
Lin Tao ◽  
Anthony J. Spires
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
State Government ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Private Foundation ◽  
Private Foundations ◽  
Regulatory Perspective ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Government

AbstractFrom a regulatory perspective, philanthropy in China has been officially modernized. Since the government established a legal framework in 2004 based on models from overseas, the number of private foundations in China has grown more than six-fold. Drawing on a nationally representative survey of 214 private foundations conducted in 2012, we present a landscape view of these new philanthropic institutions, discussing both who begins foundations and how their monies are used. We find that despite the rise of new private wealth in China and the adoption of the private foundation form, government priorities are structuring the field of Chinese philanthropy in key and consequential ways. We conclude with some considerations of the implications of these findings for the development of broader civil society.

scholarly journals Measuring media liberalism or dirigisme degree by country

2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Leyli Ali Allakhverdieva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Information Services ◽  
Corporate Tax ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Public ◽  
Radio Broadcasting ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Watching Tv

The author measures the degree of of the public regulation of the information services provision via media (media liberalism degree), namely via printed media, and television and radio broadcasting. The methodology of measurement of media liberalism degree (media freedom subindex) is part of the index of liberalism (or dirigisme in opposite) of information services, prepared according to Professor N. Muzaffarli’s assessment of the degree of the government intervention in the economy. In order to measure the media freedom subindex, the following indicators are used: the VAT index on printed publications, the VAT index on television and radio broadcasting, the index of license fee for watching TV, the VAT index of license fee for watching TV, the index of penalty for late VAT payment, the corporate tax index, the ratio of private and the state TV channels subindex. Measuring those indices in the studied group of countries made it possible to establish that: 1) Azerbaijan and Georgia are the most liberal countries with regard to the VAT index on printed publications, Bulgaria is the most dirigiste country; 2) the minimal VAT index on television and radio broadcasting is observed in Malta, the maximal - in Hungary; 3) in most countries the index of license fee for watching TV is lowest, with Austria having the highest indicator; 4) in Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, Georgia and Armenia there is no concept of license fee for watching TV, respectively there is no related VAT; in the UK, Ireland, Malta, the Netherlands and Sweden this type of tax is not levied either; 5) the most liberal country in terms of the index of penalty for late VAT payment is Hungary, whereas Slovenia is the most dirigiste; 6) the most liberal country with regard to the corporate tax index is Hungary, while the most dirigiste is Malta; 7) in most countries the ratio of the private and state-owned TV channels subindex is equal to zero (there are no local public TV channels), with France being the most dirigiste country in terms of the subindex mentioned above. It can be noted that the most liberal media belong to Cyprus, the most dirigiste - to France. In most of the researched countries the media are more liberal than the relative center shows. It has been found that most countries with a higher level of economic development adhere to less dirigiste media policies, and vice versa. Also, there are countries that do not lend themselves to this pattern, for example, Ireland.

scholarly journals Forms and mechanisms of participatory democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25
Author(s):  
Tetiana Kuzhda ◽  
Mykhailo Halushchak ◽  
Olha Halushchak
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Budget Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Hearings ◽  
Local Initiatives ◽  
The Government ◽  
Local Budget

The most important aspects of effective citizen-government interaction, successful development of civil society institutions, community and state depend on forming, legal consolidation and practical use of an effective forms and mechanisms of participatory democracy in Ukraine. Effective practical use of participatory democracy depends on the legal framework, the government's willingness to cooperate, as well as the competence and willingness to engage with civil society activists and the proper development of civil society institutions that contribute to democratization and development of Ukrainian society. The levels of citizen-government interaction including an informational, informational-consultative, mutual participation have been expanded by singling out the constant dialogue and mutual participation, public control and e-democracy. The citizens’ appeals, electronic petitions, public hearings, meetings of citizens at the place of residence, local initiatives, local referendum, advisory bodies, self-organization bodies, public discussions and public expertise as the forms of participatory democracy have been described in the article. The differences between the forms of participatory democracy in terms of the order of their preparation, implementation and legal consequences have been indicated. The role of public participation in the budget process has been determined and the participation budget was singled out as a tool of the community for better understanding of local budget and forming their own projects. The advantages of practical use of participatory democracy for the public and the government have been clarified, in particular, strengthening the level of mutual dialogue, increasing its efficiency and the government's response to public problems; growing citizens' trust in the government; improving the image of government through the implementation of transparency, openness and involvement; and consideration of public recommendations by the subjects of power within the framework of certain procedures.

scholarly journals Democratic Dawn? Civil Society and Elections in Myanmar 2010-2012

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lidauer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
International Community ◽  
National Election ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Observation ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

While the general elections in Myanmar in November 2010 were widely condemned, both national and international actors approached the by-elections of April 2012 as a political rite-de-passage to improve relations between the government and the opposition inside, and between the former pariah state and the international community outside the country. An undercurrent of the government-led transition process from an authoritarian to a formally more democratic regime was the development of a politically oriented civil society that found ways to engage in the electoral process. This article describes the emerging spaces of election-related civil society activism in the forms of civic and voter education, national election observation, and election-related agency in the media. Noting that, in particular, election observation helps connect civil society to regional and international debates, the paper draws preliminary conclusions about further developments ahead of the general elections in Myanmar expected to take place in 2015.

GRATIFICATION DERIVED BY CHILDREN AGED SEVEN TO ELEVEN YEARS FROM WATCHING TELEVISED ANIMATED CARTOONS IN NAIROBI COUNTY, KENYA

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Mary Claire Akinyi Kidenda
Keyword(s):  
Computer Time ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
Dress Code ◽  
Magic Power ◽  
Alternative Means ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Descriptive Survey ◽  
The Impact

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to establish the gratification derived by children aged seven to eleven years from watching televised animated cartoons in Nairobi County, Kenya.Methodology: The study used descriptive survey method to collect information through casual interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The data was analyzed through straight tabulations and generated tables, graphs, and charts such as measures of central tendency such as means and modes and measures of dispersion such as the standard deviations.Findings: The study concluded that most children watch cartoons mainly for entertainment purposes. Boys admire Ben’s super-human imagination and would like to identify with him. Girls like Kim possible because she is a young girl like them, and they are able to identify with her character, as all the other super-heroes are men. Girls like magic, power and action in cartoons such as Kim Possible. She is young and strong and can protect herself and others. They find Kim interesting because of the action and fighting scenes. The girls also like her dress code, shoes and hairstyle.Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: Parents should limit screen time, including animated cartoons, movies, video games and computer time to less than two hours a day and provide alternative means of relaxation and entertainment rather than the passive leisure of watching animated cartoons. The media practitioners should also think about the impact that watching some of these animated cartoons may have, especially on special audience like children. The government is recommended to develop a legal framework for classifying animated cartoons should be developed.

The Main Challenges for the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media

2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 325-332
Author(s):  
Dunja Mijatović
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
Internet Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
Free Media

This article focuses on the interdependence between security and human rights. The author advocates that freedom of expression and free media – two basic human rights – play increasingly important roles in fostering a meaningful debate on security issues and that they can help us to effectively address new challenges, not least in the new digital era. The article addresses major challenges within media freedom such as Internet freedom and journalists’ safety and the importance these challenges play with regard to the link between security and human rights.

scholarly journals The Fiji media decree: A push towards collaborative journalism

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reggie Dutt
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Media Development ◽  
Developing Nation ◽  
Industry Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article evaluates Fiji’s Media Industry Development Decree 2010 by drawing a link between it and the Singaporean media laws and the collaborative role the Fijian regime claims journalism should play in the nation’s development. A number of sections of the Fiji Media Decree are similar to the Singapore Media Development Authority Act 2003 and it contains similar harsh fines and jail terms. The Fiji Media Decree makes provisions for a Media Industry Development Authority and a Media Tribunal, both of which are appointed and controlled by the government. The Authority has wide-ranging powers to search, seize and censor, and refer to the Tribunal incidents which it considers are in breach of the decree. The government minister responsible for administering the decree has a direct say in the make-up of the Media Industry Development Authority and may give directions to the Authority in the performance of its duties and the exercise of its powers. This study explores the powers vested in the government via these two proposed bodies and what they will mean for journalism, freedom of speech and media freedom in Fiji. It also shows the merits of a ‘collaborative journalism’ model for a developing nation but explains how the design is flawed under the conditions it has been imposed in Fiji.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document