scholarly journals The Fiji media decree: A push towards collaborative journalism

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reggie Dutt
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Media Development ◽  
Developing Nation ◽  
Industry Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article evaluates Fiji’s Media Industry Development Decree 2010 by drawing a link between it and the Singaporean media laws and the collaborative role the Fijian regime claims journalism should play in the nation’s development. A number of sections of the Fiji Media Decree are similar to the Singapore Media Development Authority Act 2003 and it contains similar harsh fines and jail terms. The Fiji Media Decree makes provisions for a Media Industry Development Authority and a Media Tribunal, both of which are appointed and controlled by the government. The Authority has wide-ranging powers to search, seize and censor, and refer to the Tribunal incidents which it considers are in breach of the decree. The government minister responsible for administering the decree has a direct say in the make-up of the Media Industry Development Authority and may give directions to the Authority in the performance of its duties and the exercise of its powers. This study explores the powers vested in the government via these two proposed bodies and what they will mean for journalism, freedom of speech and media freedom in Fiji. It also shows the merits of a ‘collaborative journalism’ model for a developing nation but explains how the design is flawed under the conditions it has been imposed in Fiji.

scholarly journals Media freedom and state control in Tonga

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sione Fatanitavake Vikilani
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
State Control ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The Tongan Constitution guarantees free speech and media freedom but this guarantee has often been misunderstood and misinterpreted by the media industry, the government and politicians alike. Freedom of speech was integrated into the Constitution from the beginning in 1875. However, as history has shown, this freedom has often been altered to silence opposition and critics’ voices. As early as 1882, the Tongan media had their first confrontation with the government and in 2003 saw a parallel incident unfolding. This article examines the influence of state control on the media in Tonga through an analysis of two case studies from different eras in Tongan history: the Niuvakai newspaper in 1882 and the Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper in 2003.

scholarly journals Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Negative Experience ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.

Communication Education in Korea

2003 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Baekeun Cha ◽  
Eunkyong Yook ◽  
Eungjun Min
Keyword(s):  
Historical Development ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Current Status ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Communication Education ◽  
Growing Pains ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Training

The study of communication has become one of most popular and major disciplines in Korea. There are over one hundred communication-related departments from eighty-eight colleges with more than 16,000 students today, doubled from the early 1990s. With strong support from the government, the media industry, and colleges, communication related departments have been able to build a reasonably good foundation in terms of programs and curriculums. Like any other disciplines, however, it is experiencing growing pains, searching a balance between the intellectually coherent curriculums and providing marketable knowledge and training for example. This essay discloses and examines the historical development and the current status of communication education in Korea.The study of communication has become one of most popular and major disciplines in Korea. There are over one hundred communication-related departments from eighty-eight colleges with more than 16,000 students today, doubled from the early 1990s. With strong support from the government, the media industry, and colleges, communication related departments have been able to build a reasonably good foundation in terms of programs and curriculums. Like any other disciplines, however, it is experiencing growing pains, searching a balance between the intellectually coherent curriculums and providing marketable knowledge and training for example. This essay discloses and examines the historical development and the current status of communication education in Korea.

scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM IN KENYA in 2017: A REALITY OR A MIRAGE?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Genga
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media ◽  
Freedom House

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.

scholarly journals Monopolization Tendencies as a Result of the Neoliberal Policies in the Media Industry and a Look to the Last Half Century in the Example of Turkey

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hüseyin Çelik
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
The Public ◽  
Ownership Structures ◽  
Media Companies ◽  
Qualitative Research Design ◽  
The Media ◽  
Neoliberal Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Organic Bond

Economy politics that were formed with neoliberalism affected media industry like it affected all the other spheres of economy. The concentration of media structures in the world, the companies which work in the media industry being worked in the other spheres of economy, the struggle of these companies against the regulations about the media and their emphasis on the cancellation of these regulations; and the international activities of media companies attract the attention of the public for the last 50 years approximately. These developments in the media industry have been experienced in Turkey and these continued to be experienced. Neoliberal politics that were applied after 1980s caused important changes in the media industry. Another important point that attracts the attention is that even though the media actors have changed; the number of the structures that are active in media is limited and this number has not been changed for years. This paper aims to put forward the changes in the media industry in Turkey and the structures that have been shaped around these changes in the framework of neoliberal policies which were started in 1980s. In this paper a qualitative research design is used and ownership structures are analysed to investigate the changes in Turkey’s media industry since 1980s. Consequently it is seen that media actors have been changed but their numbers stayed the same. Furthermore the ownership structure of the media that is formed as a result of these developments and the organic bond between the Government is underlined.

scholarly journals Measuring media liberalism or dirigisme degree by country

2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Leyli Ali Allakhverdieva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Information Services ◽  
Corporate Tax ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Public ◽  
Radio Broadcasting ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Watching Tv

The author measures the degree of of the public regulation of the information services provision via media (media liberalism degree), namely via printed media, and television and radio broadcasting. The methodology of measurement of media liberalism degree (media freedom subindex) is part of the index of liberalism (or dirigisme in opposite) of information services, prepared according to Professor N. Muzaffarli’s assessment of the degree of the government intervention in the economy. In order to measure the media freedom subindex, the following indicators are used: the VAT index on printed publications, the VAT index on television and radio broadcasting, the index of license fee for watching TV, the VAT index of license fee for watching TV, the index of penalty for late VAT payment, the corporate tax index, the ratio of private and the state TV channels subindex. Measuring those indices in the studied group of countries made it possible to establish that: 1) Azerbaijan and Georgia are the most liberal countries with regard to the VAT index on printed publications, Bulgaria is the most dirigiste country; 2) the minimal VAT index on television and radio broadcasting is observed in Malta, the maximal - in Hungary; 3) in most countries the index of license fee for watching TV is lowest, with Austria having the highest indicator; 4) in Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, Georgia and Armenia there is no concept of license fee for watching TV, respectively there is no related VAT; in the UK, Ireland, Malta, the Netherlands and Sweden this type of tax is not levied either; 5) the most liberal country in terms of the index of penalty for late VAT payment is Hungary, whereas Slovenia is the most dirigiste; 6) the most liberal country with regard to the corporate tax index is Hungary, while the most dirigiste is Malta; 7) in most countries the ratio of the private and state-owned TV channels subindex is equal to zero (there are no local public TV channels), with France being the most dirigiste country in terms of the subindex mentioned above. It can be noted that the most liberal media belong to Cyprus, the most dirigiste - to France. In most of the researched countries the media are more liberal than the relative center shows. It has been found that most countries with a higher level of economic development adhere to less dirigiste media policies, and vice versa. Also, there are countries that do not lend themselves to this pattern, for example, Ireland.

When it is Us Too? How Russian and Japanese media framed sexual harassment towards their journalists

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-221
Author(s):  
Kateryna Kasianenko
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
News Media ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Government Organizations ◽  
News Sources ◽  
Individual Aspect ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual

This study analyses articles of three Russian and four Japanese newspapers covering the cases of journalists facing sexual harassment from their news sources. It aims to assess the ability of the news media of the two countries to expand the coverage of these cases to a larger debate on the position of women through framing analysis of 431 articles. The study reveals that most of the examined articles emphasized the individual aspect of sexual harassment, confining the understanding of sexual harassment to the private sphere. In both countries, work culture of government organizations was linked to the issue of sexual harassment while reflections on the institutional context of media industry were minimal. In Russia, representation of the issue as a conflict between the media and the government was prominent. This was reflected in the unprecedented boycott of the State Duma by Russian journalists. In Japan, the establishment of an informal network of women working in the media industry was a positive development. However, overall findings suggest that the newspapers’ potential to become a forum where the problem of sexual harassment could be debated in relation to broader issues, was not realized to its fullest.

scholarly journals Pacific Journalism Monographs No 1: Pacific Media Freedom 2011: A status report

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Perrottet ◽  
David Robie
Keyword(s):  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Status Report ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Monthly Basis ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military

Pacific media freedom has been under siege for more than a decade, particularly since an attempted coup in Fiji in May 2000, when a television station was attacked and ransacked, a foreign journalist was shot and wounded and a local journalist ended up being imprisoned for treason. Since then various Pacific countries, notably Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Tonga and Vanuatu have faced various periods of media repression. Since the military coup in December 2006, Fiji has faced arguably its worst sustained pressure on the media since the original two Rabuka coups in 1987. The Bainimarama regime in June 2010 imposed a Media Industry Development Decree that enforced draconian curbs on journalists and restrictive controls on foreign ownership of the press. This consolidated systematic state censorship of news organisations that had been imposed in April 2009 with the Public Emergency Regulations that have been rolled over on a monthly basis ever since. Promised relaxation of state censorship after the imposition of the Decree never eventuated. This research monograph covers the period 1 July 2010-30 June 2011 and examines the trends in the Pacific region. In addition to Pacific Islands Forum member nations, it covers the French Pacific territories and the former Indonesian colony of East Timor and current twin provinces known collectively as West Papua.

scholarly journals Life under Decree No. 29 of 2010: The Fiji Media Development Decree

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
Shailendra Singh
Keyword(s):  
Self Regulation ◽  
South Pacific ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Media Law ◽  
Media Development ◽  
Regional Impact ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
Free Media ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the domestic and regional impact of a punitive media law introduced in Fiji in June. Decree No. 29 of 2010, the Media Industry Development Decree, is the first of its kind in the South Pacific. It brings to an end the tradition of media self-regulation, one of the hallmarks of a free media. All Fiji governments since independence have tried to introduce tougher media laws. The Bainimarama government, which took power in a coup in December 2006, has succeeded where others failed. Its media decree prescribes hefty fines and jail terms for journalists who fall foul of the law. Given the precedent in Fiji, it is unlikely that a future government will move to change this law, which could become a permanent fixture in the country. This article looks at the impact of the law in Fiji and raises the possibility of copycat laws in other island countries where governments distrust media. The article also questions the applicability of conventional journalistic approaches, which place a premium on conflict as a news element, in politically fragile island countries

scholarly journals What is Media Assistance and (Why) Does It Matter? The Case of Polish Foreign Aid to the Media in Belarus and Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3(27)) ◽  
pp. 390-408
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Galus
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Media Development ◽  
Media Assistance ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Polish Foreign

The paper offers an analysis of media assistance, as a specific form of foreign aid, that Poland offers to strengthen media development in Belarus and Ukraine. It shows if Poland tailors media assistance according to the local context and existing challenges for democratic changes of recipient countries’ media systems. The study builds on the literature concerning the media, development and democratization, in particular looking at media assistance as both democratic aid and public diplomacy. It reveals that Poland’s approaches to media development in Belarus and Ukraine do differ: Poland mainly provides autocratic Belarus with technical support for media established outside of that country, while clearly focusing on media capacity development in democratizing Ukraine. The findings show that Polish media assistance, however, is unlikely to boost media freedom in Belarus as is usually expected as an outcome of democratic aid and is under-financed in the case of Ukraine.

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