Assessing a Welfare Program's Effects on Social Mobility in Brazil's “Golden Age”: The Intersectionality of Race, Gender, and Redistributive Social Programs in Two Brazilian Cities

2021 ◽  
pp. 003464462110367
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Kaknes

How do welfare programs affect beneficiaries' perceptions of social mobility? This paper uses the case of Brazil's Bolsa Família Program to assess whether, how, and to what degree the welfare program affects beneficiaries' views of their potential social mobility. It makes a key contribution to the understanding of social mobility by incorporating the role that race and gender play in beneficiary respondent's evaluation of social mobility. Use of an original field survey undergirds the finding that, in contrast to conventional understandings of Brazilian racial and social dynamics, beneficiary status operates differently for Afro-Brazilian and White beneficiaries, as well as for male and female beneficiaries. Specifically, that the program has significant empowerment effects for White women beneficiaries, but that it does not affect the evaluations of Afro-Brazilian women.

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-527
Author(s):  
Philip Q. Yang

This study investigates the effects of race and gender on perceived employment discrimination using the 2016 General Social Survey that provides new data on perceived employment discrimination that aligns more closely with the legal definition of employment discrimination. It is found that 19% of the American adults self-reported the experience of employment discrimination in job application, pay increase, or promotion in the past 5 years. The results of logistic regression analysis show that either controlling or not controlling for other factors, Blacks were much more likely to perceive being discriminated in employment than Whites, but other races were not significantly different from Whites in perceived employment discrimination after holding other variables constant. While gender did not have a significant independent effect on perceived job discrimination, it did interact with race to influence perceived job discrimination. Regardless of race, women were somewhat less likely than men to perceive job discrimination, but Black women were significantly even less likely than White women to self-report job discrimination, and Black men were much more likely to self-report employment discrimination than White men. These findings have implications for combating employment discrimination and addressing social inequalities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 121 (13) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Zeus Leonardo ◽  
Blanca Gamez-Djokic

Emotional praxis is not a phrase usually associated with teaching and teacher education. Yet when race enters educational spaces, emotions frequently run high. In particular, Whites are often ill-equipped to handle emotions about race, either becoming debilitated by them or consistently evading them. Without critically understanding the relationship between race and emotions—or, simply, racialized emotions—teachers are unprepared to teach one of the most important topics in modern education. This chapter addresses this gap in education and teacher training by surveying the philosophical, sociological, and burgeoning literature on emotion in education to arrive at critical knowledge about the function and constitutive role it plays in discourses on race. Specifically, the argument delves into white racial emotions in light of the known fact that most teachers in the United States are White women. This means that our critical understanding of emotion during the teaching and learning interaction entails appreciation of both its racialized and gendered dimensions, and attention to both race and gender becomes part of emotional praxis. Finally, the essay ends with a proposal for an intersubjective race theory of emotion in education.


Author(s):  
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw

Identity-based politics has been a source of strength for people of color, gays and lesbians, among others. The problem with identity politics is that it often conflates intra group differences. Exploring the various ways in which race and gender intersect in shaping structural and political aspects of violence against these women, it appears the interests and experiences of women of color are frequently marginalized within both feminist  and antiracist discourses. Both discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. However,  the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes our actual experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform quite different from that of white women. Similarly, both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. The effort to politicize violence against women will do little to address the experiences of nonwhite women until the ramifications of racial stratification among women are acknowledged. At the same time, the anti-racist agenda will not be furthered by suppressing the reality of intra-racial violence against women of color. The effect of both these marginalizations is that women of color have no ready means to link their experiences with those of other women.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009102602110565
Author(s):  
Greg Lewis ◽  
Jonathan Boyd ◽  
Rahul Pathak

This study examines the impact of qualifications and hiring advantages on women’s and minorities’ access to state government jobs, both in managerial and high-salary positions and overall. It also looks at how race and gender differences in representation have changed since 1990 and how they compare with the private sector. All groups, except Latino and Asian men, are more likely than White men to work for state governments, and all groups are more likely to do so than comparable White men. White men remain more likely to be managers and to earn top-decile salaries than comparable White women and people of color. Differences in education, experience, veteran status, and citizenship contribute, in different ways, to each group’s underrepresentation at top levels, but sizable unexplained gaps remain. The good news is that access to top jobs is better in state governments than in the private sector and has improved since 1990.


Circulation ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 125 (suppl_10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura R Loehr ◽  
Xiaoxi Liu ◽  
C. Baggett ◽  
Cameron Guild ◽  
Erin D Michos ◽  
...  

Introduction: Since the 1980’s, length of stay (LOS) for acute MI (AMI) has declined in the US. However, little is known about trends in LOS for non-white racial groups and whether change in LOS is related to insurance type or hospital complications. Methods: We determined 22 year trends in LOS for nonfatal (definite or probable) AMI among black and white residents age 35–74 in 4 US communities (N=396,514 in 2008 population) under surveillance in the ARIC Study. Events were randomly sampled and independently validated using a standardized algorithm. All analyses accounted for sampling scheme. We excluded MI events which started after admission (n=1,677), events within 28 days for the same person (n=3,817), hospital transfers (n=571), and those with LOS=0 or LOS >66 (top 0.5% of distribution, N= 144) leaving 22,258 weighted events for analysis. The average annual change in log LOS was modeled using weighted linear regression with year as a quadratic term. All models adjusted for age and secondary models adjusted for insurance type (Medicare, Medicaid, private, or other), and complications during admission (cardiac arrest, cardiogenic shock, or heart failure). Results: The average age-adjusted LOS from 1987 to 2008 was reduced by 5 days in black men (9.5 to 4.5 days); 4.6 days in white women (9.4 to 4.8 days); 4 days in white men (8.3 to 4.3 days) and 3.6 days in black women (9.0 to 5.4 days). Between 1987 and 2008, the age-adjusted average annual percent change (with 95% CI) in LOS was largest for white men at −4.40 percent per year (−4.91, −3.89) followed by −3.89 percent (−4.52, −3.26) for white women, −3.72 percent (−4.46, −2.89) for black men, and −2.94 percent (−3.92, −1.96) for black women (see Figure). Adjustment for insurance type, and complications did not change the pattern by race and gender. Conclusions: Between 1987 and 2008, LOS for AMI declined significantly and similarly in men and women, blacks and whites. These changes appear independent of differences in insurance type and hospital complications among race-gender groups.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips

Chapter 1 begins by presenting an overview of the vicissitudes of descriptive representation in state legislatures for women and men from the four largest racial groups in the United States, from 1996 to 2015. The chapter then previews the book’s main finding: factors related to representation and candidate emergence, such as the relationship between district populations and descriptive representatives or political ambition, are shaped by race and gender simultaneously. To account for the persistence of underrepresentation among women and minorities, Chapter 1 then advances the intersectional model of electoral opportunity. The model accounts for external and internal, multilevel pressures that constrain and facilitate the realistic candidacy opportunities for white women, white men, men of color, and women of color. The chapter closes by discussing the necessity of studying Asian American women and men, and Latinas and Latinos, in order to better understand representation in a nation shaped by immigration and immigrant communities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Ispa-Landa ◽  
Sara Thomas

Researchers have highlighted how gendered associations of femininity with emotional labor can complicate professional women’s attempts to exercise managerial authority. However, current understandings of how race and gender intersect in professional women’s emotional labor remain limited. We draw on 132 interviews from eight white women and 13 women of color who are novice principals. White women began the principalship wanting to establish themselves as emotionally supportive leaders who were open to others’ influence. They viewed emotional labor as existing in tension with showing authority as a leader. Over time, however, most white women reported adopting more directive practices. By contrast, women of color reported beginning the principalship with a more directive, take-charge leadership style. They viewed emotional labor and authority as part of a blended project and did not talk about these two aspects of leadership as existing in tension. Over time, their self-reported leadership style changed little. We analyze our findings in light of recent theorizing about gender and intersectionality.


Author(s):  
Kia Lilly Caldwell

Brazil has been long considered a global leader in HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment; however, little is known about the effectiveness of these prevention and treatment efforts for the Afro-Brazilian population. This chapter examines the shift toward greater government action focused on HIV prevention for Afro-Brazilians. The chapter also explores HIV prevention initiatives developed by black women’s organizations and how the dynamics of gender, race, and class shape HIV vulnerability for Afro-Brazilian women. Finally, this chapter examines critiques of racially specific HIV prevention initiatives and the tensions between universalism and race consciousness that have characterized the shift toward focusing on the black population in HIV prevention efforts.


Author(s):  
Daniel J Clark

It is conventional wisdom that because of lucrative contracts negotiated by the United Auto Workers (UAW) under Walter Reuther's leadership, most autoworkers in the U.S. enjoyed steady work, increasing wages, and improved benefits in the postwar boom following World War II. In short, autoworkers entered the middle class. In contrast, this book argues that for Detroit autoworkers there was no postwar boom. Instead, the years from 1945 to 1960 were dominated by job instability and economic insecurity. This argument is based largely on oral history interviews and research in local newspapers, which covered the auto industry extensively. Conditions were worse for African Americans and white women, but almost all autoworkers experienced precarious, often dire circumstances. Recessions, automation, decentralization, and the collapse of independent automakers in Detroit are part of the story, but materials shortages, steel, coal, and copper strikes, parts supplier strikes, wildcat strikes, overproduction (especially in 1955), hot weather, cold weather, plant explosions, age, race, and gender workplace discrimination, and the inability of autoworkers to afford new cars contributed to instability and insecurity. Hardly anyone in the 1950s—whether ordinary autoworkers, union leaders, auto company executives, business analysts, or local shopkeepers—thought that the decade was marked by steady work, improving wages, or anything resembling predictable income for autoworkers.


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