scholarly journals Industry vs. Government: Leveraging Media Coverage in Corporate Political Activity

2020 ◽  
pp. 017084062096416
Author(s):  
John Murray ◽  
Daniel Nyberg

This article investigates how an industry leveraged media coverage to publicly oppose governmental policy. Based on a frame analysis of the political contest between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax on resource corporations, we show how the industry aligned its position with mass media to (a) make the policy contest salient, (b) frame their position in the contest as legitimate and (c) construct negative representations of the policy as dominant. The analysis reveals how the industry’s corporate political activities leveraged media coverage to align disparate frames into a consistent message against the policy in the public sphere. This contributes to the literature on corporate political activity by explaining the process of alignment with mass media frames to legitimize corporate positions on salient issues. Second, we contribute to the framing literature by demonstrating the process of frame alignment between non-collaborative actors. Finally, we contribute to the broader discussion on corporations’ role in society by showing how corporate campaigns can leverage the media to facilitate the favourable settlement of contentious issues. These contributions highlight the pitfalls of corporate political influence without necessary democratic standards.

2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Nyberg ◽  
John Murray

This article connects the previously isolated literatures on corporate citizenship and corporate political activity to explain how firms construct political influence in the public sphere. The public engagement of firms as political actors is explored empirically through a discursive analysis of a public debate between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax. The findings show how the mining industry acted as a corporate citizen concerned about the common good. This, in turn, legitimized corporate political activity, which undermined deliberation about the common good. The findings explain how the public sphere is refeudalized through corporate manipulation of deliberative processes via what we term corporate citizenspeak—simultaneously speaking as corporate citizens and for individual citizens. Corporate citizenspeak illustrates the duplicitous engagement of firms as political actors, claiming political legitimacy while subverting deliberative norms. This contributes to the theoretical development of corporations as political actors by explaining how corporate interests are aggregated to represent the common good and how corporate political activity is employed to dominate the public sphere. This has important implications for understanding how corporations undermine democratic principles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Heinisch ◽  
Philipp Cimiano

Abstract Within the field of argument mining, an important task consists in predicting the frame of an argument, that is, making explicit the aspects of a controversial discussion that the argument emphasizes and which narrative it constructs. Many approaches so far have adopted the framing classification proposed by Boydstun et al. [3], consisting of 15 categories that have been mainly designed to capture frames in media coverage of political articles. In addition to being quite coarse-grained, these categories are limited in terms of their coverage of the breadth of discussion topics that people debate. Other approaches have proposed to rely on issue-specific and subjective (argumentation) frames indicated by users via labels in debating portals. These labels are overly specific and do often not generalize across topics. We present an approach to bridge between coarse-grained and issue-specific inventories for classifying argumentation frames and propose a supervised approach to classifying frames of arguments at a variable level of granularity by clustering issue-specific, user-provided labels into frame clusters and predicting the frame cluster that an argument evokes. We demonstrate how the approach supports the prediction of frames for varying numbers of clusters. We combine the two tasks, frame prediction with respect to media frames categories as well as prediction of clusters of user-provided labels, in a multi-task setting, learning a classifier that performs the two tasks. As main result, we show that this multi-task setting improves the classification on the single tasks, the media frames classification by up to +9.9 % accuracy and the cluster prediction by up to +8 % accuracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

Chapter 6 attempts to explain the prominence of these frames in the media coverage, based on insights from interviews with broadcasters and their sources. It proposes five factors which played a role in shaping media frames: the influence of political campaigns, professional routines relating to balance, journalists’ views of their own role in the coverage of a contested issue, broadcasters’ perceptions of what attracts audiences and what constitutes a contribution to public debate, as well as previous experience of covering election campaigns. The discussion is contextualized within broader academic literature about frame building.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-903 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy L. Hansen ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell

Corporate political activity is usually operationalized and analyzed as financial contributions to candidates or political parties through political action committees (PACs). Very little attention has been paid to other dimensions, such as lobbying, in a systematic way. On a theoretical level we address the issue of how to conceive of PAC contributions, lobbying, and other corporate activities, such as charitable giving, in terms of the strategic behavior of corporations and the implications of “foreignness” for the different types of corporate political activity. On an empirical level we examine the political activities of Fortune 500 firms, along with an oversampling of U.S. affiliates of large foreign investors for the 1987–88 election cycle.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (11) ◽  
pp. 2357-2372
Author(s):  
Richard S. Brown

Purpose Previous research combining corporate political activity and collective action theory has focused solely on industry structure and its role in predicting group lobbying or PAC participation. The purpose of this paper is to use a different context—franchise systems—to apply Olsonian collective action theory to political activities. Design/methodology/approach Using a random-effects technique in STATA on an unbalanced panel data set, this paper empirically models the effects of franchise system size and degree of franchising on the level of lobbying intensity. Findings Since franchise systems are made up of differing unit ownership structure, the author first model if those systems that are fully franchised lobby less than those with franchisor unit ownership (supported). Next, since collective action theory predicts that more participants in a space will lead to less collective action, the author predict that franchise systems with larger unit counts will lobby less than those with smaller counts (not supported). Finally, the author test the interaction of these two effects as systems that are fully franchised and of higher unit totals should have an even greater negative relationship with political activity (supported). Originality/value This paper uses both a novel data set and a novel context to study collective action. Previous research has utilized an industry structure context to model the level of lobbying and collective action, while the current research uses an analogous logic, but in the context of franchise systems.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Coelho Bezerra ◽  
Carolina Christoph Grillo

RESUMO Com referência à eclosão de protestos no Brasil desde junho de 2013, este trabalho analisa o modo como a violência deflagrada durante as manifestações é narrada pela grande mídia e coletivos midiativistas, atentando-se para os interesses expressos nas narrações dos fatos. Constatamos que a imprensa corporativa tende a não problematizar a violência policial e a enfatizar a atuação de “vândalos”, ao passo que os midialivristas costumam culpar a polícia pela ocorrência de confrontos e representar positivamente as ações associadas à tática Black Bloc. O texto apresenta uma descrição analítica da guerra de narrativas travada por estes dois segmentos do jornalismo.Palavras-chave: Mídia; Midiativismo; Violência; Manifestações; Polícia.ABSTRACT Regarding the outbreak of protests in Brazil since June 2013, this paper analyses how violence unleashed during demonstrations is narrated by the mass media and mediactivist collectives, focusing on the interests expressed in the narration of facts. We found that corporative press tends to take police violence as unproblematic and to emphasize the actions of so-called “vandals”, while mediactivists usually blame police for the emergence of clashes and positively represent actions associated to the Black Bloc tactics. The text presents an analytical description of the war of narratives fought between these two segments of journalism.Keywords: Media; Mediactivism; Violence; Protests; Police.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (03) ◽  
pp. A01 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariechel J. Navarro ◽  
Jenny A. Panopio ◽  
Donna Bae Malayang ◽  
Noel Amano Jr.

This article presents key results of a ten-year study of media coverage of agricultural biotechnology in the Philippines, the only country in Asia to date to approve a biotech food/feed crop (Bt corn) for commercialization. The top three national English newspapers – Manila Bulletin, Philippine Daily Inquirer, and Philippine Star were analyzed to determine patterns of media attention measured by coverage peaks, tone, source of news, keywords, and media frames used. Biotechnology news was generally positive but not high in the media agenda. News coverage was marked by occasional peaks brought about by drama and controversial events which triggered attention but not long enough to sustain interest. The study provides a glimpse into the role of mass media in a developing country context. It shows how a complex and contentious topic is integrated into the mainstream of news reporting, and eventually evolves from an emotional discourse to one that allows informed decision making.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 491-494
Author(s):  
Olga Nikolaevna Goryacheva ◽  
Galina Sergeevna Kalinina

Purpose: The relevance of work is connected with understanding that the policy turns into the media process. Problematic is an allocation in a huge flow of information of the most priority and significant: consciousness of the recipient is considerably overloaded; the individual does not manage to carry out the analysis of the obtained information, and only gives it a superficial emotional assessment Methodology: The method of comparison is used for the correlation of political media reality with reality. The method of the analysis of empirical data of political activity promotes the establishment of the truth in the registration of media materials. Result: In the article, the levers used in mass media are analyzed, their manipulative potential is defined. Special attention is paid to the fact that virtualization of political reality in mass media leads to the emergence of ideological symbols. The practical importance of research of manipulative capacity of mass media consists of the identification of peculiar features, forms, and methods of impact on the consumer of information content. Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of The manipulative capacity of mass media is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.


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