“Now is the real Jungle!” Institutional hunting and migrants’ survival after the eviction of the Calais camp

2021 ◽  
pp. 026377582110000
Author(s):  
Luca Queirolo Palmas

The refugee makeshift settlement of Calais, globally known as the “Calais Jungle”, was dismantled in October 2016. Its existence, as a spectacle repeatedly spread by the media all over the world, was a key element in the representation of the so-called “migration crisis” in Europe. One year after the end of the camp, this article focuses on a new scenario in which dispersed settlements keep reappearing and migrants are hunted by the authorities and the police on a daily basis, observing the everyday life of the many who continue to reach this borderland in the hope of crossing to the other side, by any means and at any risk. This ethnographic and visual sociology project follows a group of young Afghans, identifying the crucial phases that structure widespread daily routines and a broad moral landscape: survival, the hunt, and the attempt to get across.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-92
Author(s):  
José Edilson Amorim

ResumoA partir de uma crônica de Bráulio Tavares, este artigo reflete sobre cenas da precariedade de ontem e de hoje. A primeira cena está em Lima Barreto, em Recordações do escrivão Isaías Caminha, ao referir a Revolta da Vacina no Rio de Janeiro do século XX, comparada às manifestações de 2013 e 2014 no país; a segunda é a espetacularização da mídia sobre as manifestações de rua em 2013 e 2014, e sobre o processo de impedimento do mandato presidencial de Dilma Rousseff em 2015; a terceira é uma cena da vida cotidiana de uma moça de Brasília em outubro de 2014. As três situações revelam o mundo da classe trabalhadora e seu desamparo em meio ao espetáculo midiático.Palavras-chave: Trabalho. Mídia. Política. Espetáculo. AbstractFrom a chronicle by Bráulio Tavares, this paper reflects about scenes of the precariousness of yesterday and today. The first scene is in Lima Barreto’s novel Recordações do escrivão Isaías Caminha (Memories of the scrivener Isaías Caminha), when referring to the Vaccine Revolt in the Rio de Janeiro of the 20th century, compared to the manifestations of 2013 and 2014 in Brazil; the second is about the media spectacularization of the street manifestations between 2013 e 2014 in Brazil, and also on Dilma Rousseff's impeachment process in 2015; the third one is from the everyday life of a girl from Brasília in October of 2014. All those three situations reveal the world of the working class and its helplessness in the face of the media spectacularization.Keywords: Work. Media. Politics. Spectacle.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Sacco

"H1 N1 is a virus that has been sensationalized by the media since the first case was discovered in Mexico during the spring of 2009. People around the world feared that the virus would mutate into something as severe as the 1918 Spanish flu, one of the deadliest plagues in history. However experts had discovered by June of 2009 that the Spanish flu was not comparable to H1 N1. Yet for six months newspaper reporters continued to compare the ew epidemic to the Spanish flu, thus keeping alive the threat of an unstoppable pandemic. One year has passed since the first case of H1 N1 was confirmed. After all of the attention that H1 N1 received, it proved to be not much different than a typical seasonal flu, resulting in a lower death rate (Schabas and Rau, 2010). Recently, a number of investigations have begun to determine if the World Health Organization (WHO) overemphasized the level of risk, resulting in a large quantity of sensationalized media coverage, and citizens in a state of panic.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stéphane Couture ◽  
Gretchen King ◽  
Sophie Toupin ◽  
Becky Lentz

This research-in-brief summarizes activities of our research delegation to the 2015 World Social Forum (WSF) in Tunis, including our participation in two associated events: the World Forum on Free Media (WFFM) and preparatory meetings for an eventual global Internet Social Forum (ISF). The WFFM and ISF provided rich terrain for our delegation to document and study contemporary struggles around communication media and technology issues. We report on these encounters as a way to foreground the many similar opportunities available to Canadian media, communication, and technology scholars at annual WSFs, in particular, the WSF coming to Montréal in August 2016. Notably, the 2016 WSF will be the first forum held since its inception in 2001 outside the global south.Ce texte résume les activités de notre délégation de recherche lors du Forum social mondial (FSM) de Tunis. Ces activités incluaient notre participation à deux événements associés : le Forum mondial des médias libres (FMML) et des rencontres préparatoires pour un éventuel Forum social d’Internet (FSI). Ces rencontres ont constitué de riches terrains pour documenter et étudier les luttes contemporaines concernant les médias et la communication. Ce compte-rendu vise à faire connaître aux médias et aux chercheurs canadiens les multiples opportunités offertes lors des forums sociaux annuels, en particulier lors du prochain Forum social mondial qui se déroulera à Montréal en août 2016. Ce forum sera le premier à se dérouler à l’extérieur du Sud global depuis sa création en 2001.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-119
Author(s):  
Susan C. C. Hawthorne ◽  
Ramona C. Ilea ◽  
Monica “Mo” Janzen ◽  

By drawing on a selection of interviews from the website Engaged Philosophy, this paper highlights the work of philosopher-activists within their classrooms and communities. These philosophers have stepped out of the ivory towers and work directly with media, community and political groups, people in prison; or they encourage their students to engage in activist projects. The variety of approaches presented here shows the many ways philosophically inspired activism can give voice to those who are marginalized, shine a light on injustices, expose the root of social problems, and empower others to seek solutions. This work shows the relevance of philosophy to practical problems and the powerful effects it can have in the world.


The Handbook of Migration Crises runs the gamut of situations that are constructed as crises in migration contexts around the globe, historically and contemporaneously. The volume deconstructs and questions representations of migrations as crises, examining how crises arise, what is a crisis, and how this concept is used in the media and politics in transit and receiving countries. As a whole, the volume unveils the structural forces and actors that contribute to the construction of migration crises. It highlights the role of the media and public officials in framing migratory flows as crises, revisits and redefines, through a critical lens, what is commonly understood as a “migration crisis.” The volume brings together an exceptional group of scholars from around the world to critically examine migration crises and to revisit the notion of crisis through the prism of the context in which permanent and non-permanent migration flows occur.


Starting in 2001, much of the world media used the image of Osama bin Laden as a shorthand for terrorism. Bin Laden himself considered media manipulation on a par with military, political, and ideological tools, and intentionally used interviews, taped speeches, and distributed statements to further al Qaeda's ends. This book collates perspectives from global scholars by exploring a startling premise: that media depictions of bin Laden not only diverge but often contradict each other, depending on the media provider and format, the place where the depiction is presented, and the viewer's political and cultural background. The chapters analyze the representations of the many bin Ladens, ranging from Al Jazeera broadcasts to video games. They examine the media's dominant role in shaping our understanding of terrorists and why/how they should be feared, and they engage with the ways the mosaic of bin Laden images and narratives have influenced policies and actions around the world.


This chapter examines indymedia's multilayered, transnational application of direct democracy, which in many ways anticipates and sets the stage for Occupy Wall Street. It focuses on the ways that democracy is understood and enacted by indymedia activists—from the development of an open media system where anyone can speak (democratizing the media), to the preference for consensus-based decision making (democratic governance), and the belief that activists must develop the structures, processes, and relationships within the movement that they aim to achieve in the world (prefigurative politics). Seen from this vantage, for indymedia activists democracy is multivalent, standing in as the end goal of a new society, a revolutionary tool to remake that society, and the everyday practice that allows for innovation and new forms of collective power.


PMLA ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 116 (3) ◽  
pp. 638-649
Author(s):  
Reingard Nethersole

All of us are, willy-nilly, by design or by default, on the move. We are on the move even if, physically, we stay put: immobility is not a realistic option in a world of permanent change. And yet the effects of that new condition are radically unequal. Some of its become fully and truly “global”: some are fixed in their “locality” —a predicament neither pleasurable nor endurable in the world in which the “globals” set the tone and compose the rules of the life-game.—Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The Human Consequences (2)To say that globalization is ubiquitous is stating the obvious. for globalization has become a household word in boardrooms, local and international institutions, the academy, and the media. It also shapes the everyday life of all but the most disadvantaged communities. Besides having the world at my fingertips twenty-four hours a day, courtesy of CNN and other news channels, I am connected by a mere click of the mouse, even in South Africa, to colleagues across vast geographic distances locally and abroad. The supermarket down the road in my Johannesburg suburb offers me the choice of Oprah's Book Club, the “taste of Provence,” and African, Indian, Chinese, English, and a host of other flavors, not to mention Coca-Cola, because I live in a society made up of different cultures and ethnicities. Without having to move even a mile, I feel like M. de Vogüé, of whom Harper's Magazine said in 1892, “[He] loves travel; he goes to the East and to the West for colors and ideas; his interests are as wide as the universe; his ambition, to use a word of his own, is to be ‘global’” (“Global”).


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-15
Author(s):  
Pernille Dahl Pedersen

ABSTRACT For the average Dane death has become part of daily life. The media paints a picture of numerous violent acts, but even though we come across it on a daily basis certain aspects of death, e.g. working with the dead, are still seen as taboos. This article is based on my internship at the Institute of Forensic Medicine in Odense in February 2011 where I participated in the daily routines, and therefore had the opportunity to see how the employees relate to death and the dead. The section “A Room of Impurities” deals with the symbolical impurity of the autopsy rooms at the Institute, since death, according to the anthropologist Mary Douglas, is a taboo and therefore something symbolically impure. In the section “Subjects or Objects?” another aspect of working with the dead is presented. The employees at the Institute have an ability to see the dead as both subjects and objects and to switch between these. The dead body as an object can equally be seen as something impure. The last section “A Part of Human Life” compares the taboo surrounding the Institute of Forensic Medicine with the view upon death in Tibet, and concludes on the manuscript.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 363-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charli Carpenter

How does the everyday politics behind scientific inquiry impact what we come to know about the world? Here I consider this question in the context of my own fieldwork on the human rights response to children born of war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. First, I reflect on how the academy functions to direct researchers' attention and skill sets to certain types of human rights problems in certain ways, inevitably affecting what we can know about our subject matter. Second, I consider the practical politics by which human rights scholars interface with policy-makers, the media, and the public, and the extent to which members of the human rights scholarly community constitute nodes in the wider networks we are studying.


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