The Quest for a New Relationship in the World of Oil

1980 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-515
Author(s):  
Nitin Khot

The developments in the oil world in the last decade, by altering the very pattern and tenor of international economic development, may well mark a turning point in history. The consequences of the actions of a handful of oil producers, who chose to consciously intervene in the ongoing historical process, promise to be both profound and long-term. In the course of their struggle for an existence of dignity based on more equitable transactions of international economic power, the oil producers discovered the real economic relations that characterize the oil world. They saw, too, an unbroken continuity in the oil policy of the Western industrialized countries. It is the same policy which caused the denudation of their only resource, oil, and which is now casting a dark shadow over the North-South relations. The author argues that the West had fashioned a potent political weapon in the economics of oil; the flow of oil had been harnessed to promote political causes. After this weapon changed hands in 1973, the strategy of the West appears to be to use a variety of economic tools, such as currency depreciation and international inflation, to restore the status quo ante. The paper also endeavours to show (a) the lack of any sincere interest on the part of the West in the development of the oil-producing countries; and (b) the potentially serious consequences of unscrupulous Western speculation in this vital commodity and of an irrationally reckless exploitation of oil fields under the control of foreign oil companies. In an examination of the West's all-too-obvious faith in the efficacy of politics of confrontation, and of its demonstrated obduracy in defence of a life-style generated by possibly the most energy-intensive economic machinery ever, the paper throws into sharp relief the daunting task that architects of an alternative world order face.

1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Mohamed Sid-Ahmed

This essay explores the crisis of global interdependence that has arisen from competing North-South perceptions of interdependence and from inequitable relations among Third World and industrialized states of the North. Illustrating the general features of the crisis through a case study of the Middle East, the author argues that techniques of economic, political and cultural cooptation have been used by the West to foster a form of interdependence that is of primary benefit to wealthier segments of the global community. To the degree that some Third World states (notably Egypt) now identify with the West, this strategy has been successful. However, the costs to world order are considerable. As they become more integrated into Western-dominated networks of “interdependence,” Third World states face intensifying social contradictions that cannot be resolved through socialist or other noncapitalist strategies. Redress of these problems requires a new legal category of ownership – internationalized property – under which corporate capital, power, and productive capacity would be transferred from the predominant domain of the North to a commonwealth of world states. This basis for world authority would avoid the side– and counter-effects associated with world government and would provide the foundation for a more just world order.


Author(s):  
بسمة خليل الأوقاتي

Competition intensified and conflicts intensified in our region and at various levels and a large part of them was a chronic tooth in which blood was flowing and money and wealth were lost and drawing a bleak horizon threatening the future of the nation and its rising generations with the arrival of its devastating destructive effects aspects of education and information and the employment of youth forces, where energies were disrupted and some of them even turned Strong sabotage as a result of hopelessness and blocking the hope for a better life. The paper is trying to shed light on the importance of launching joint economic projects at the regional international level, with Iraq as its center and axis, by benefiting from its central semi-continental (non-marine) geographical situation, which may have formed in the past and for a long time a geo-economic and strategic geo imbalance in the initial primitive accounts, Building and sustaining peace in our country and the countries of the region and reducing the level of negative competition between them is not easy and requires effort, ideas and constructive projects, and the joint economic projects that the region lacks are a necessary need to build and sustain peace in them. The study deals with the importance and pivotal of the Iraqi dry channel project for the Iraqi railway connection between the north and the south as well as between the east and the west (linking the Grand Faw port project to Europe via Turkey and linking Iraq to the Mediterranean via Syria) and it is based on the assumption that conflicts escalate and intensify between countries when weak and the absence of economic relations and trade Between them, on the contrary, the slide towards conflicts and wars is less, weaker and slower in the case of strong, large and effective common interests and structures.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliane Mojau

Ideally, the proliferation of the administrative region is aimed at improving the welfare of society. In reality, the proliferation of the administrative region often triggers the regional disputation. The regional disputation between the North Halmahera and the West Halmahera regencies is one of the cases that took a long time. There are six villages that contested in this regional disputation, namely Dum-Dum, Gamsungi/Akesahu, Akelamo Kao, Tetewang, Bobane Igo, and Pasir Putih. At first, the government of the North Halmahera and the West Halmahera regencies coordinated to settle their region boundaries. But it develops to the status issue of the six villages: are the six villages part of the North Halmahera or the West Halmahera regencies. This research is aimed at explaining the regional disputation between the North Halmahera and the West Halmahera regencies, 2003-2010. The method used in this research is the historical method, which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this research indicates there are cultural dimension that colored this regional disputation and there is a role of local political elites (DPRD Halmahera Utara).


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tobias Schwarz

Naturalisations do not happen automatically – unlike the acquisition of nationality at birth – but must be brought about deliberately. The varying ways naturalisations are organized in any society therefore offer an opportunity to gain clues as to which criteria are assumed to be relevant for the respective definition of national belonging. This introduction argues that most research on naturalisation still focusses on Western states, and that theories of naturalisation are largely derived from Western cases. It describes the ethnocentric bias of much of the universalizing comparative research on naturalisations, and outlines the main reasons for the lack of research beyond the West. It then presents the articles on naturalisation policies in the Global South brought together in this special issue. The contributions analyse ethnically exclusive nationality laws in Liberia and Israel; selective two-tier regimes of immigrant incorporation in Hong Kong and Singapore; investor citizenship schemes which are much more common in the Global South than in the North, exemplified by the case of Mauritius; and Mexico, whose norms assign naturalised Mexicans the status of “second-class citizens”.


1977 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 263-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter S. Gelling

Pilsdon Pen is in west Dorset, very close to the Devon border, some 6 miles north-west of Bridport, and about 5½ miles from the nearest point of the coast (ST 413013). It is a long flat-topped hill, the highest in Dorset, reaching 908 ft above OD, and dominating Marshwood Vale from the north. The hill-fort occupies the south-east end of the Pen, at the north-west end of which there is a small embanked enclosure, much levelled by ploughing, which could be of Iron Age date also. The two nearest hill-forts are Lambert's Castle and Coneys Castle, about 3 and 3½ miles away respectively, which overlook Marshwood Vale from the west (fig. 1).Excavation began in 1964, and continued annually until 1971, all but one of the seasons lasting four weeks. The work was initiated, and largely supported, by the owner of the site, Mr Michael Pinney, of Bettiscombe Manor, to whom archaeology owes a great debt. Mrs Betty Pinney was one of our most skilful excavators, and all those who took part will remember her hospitality. Financial help was also given by the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society and by Birmingham University. Among many helpers, to all of whom I am most grateful, I should like to mention in particular my wife, who shouldered the daunting task of keeping the camp supplied, and Mr Jack Wells, of Tanyard Farm, Marshwood, without whose regular assistance the excavation would have taken much longer, and cost a great deal more.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-25
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH

The article considers the basic interests of our state in the development of the Northern sea route, identifies and reveals the features of Russia's competitive struggle for the transit of sea transport from the east to the west of the Eurasian continent. The nature and directions of development of international economic relations using the infrastructure of the Northern sea route are determined. A comparative assessment of the Northern sea route with other cargo transportation channels is given.


1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-264
Author(s):  
Hans-Henrik Holm

Despite the spectacular economic changes in the international system and in Denmark, Norway and Iceland since 1945, the security policies of these countries have been remarkably constant. On the basis of a juxtapositioning of the conflicting trends of development in the international economic and political system, it is predicted that security policy in these three NATO countries to the North is up for change in the future. Three scenarios, based on present economic tendencies, are outlined: 1. International integration through renewed US dominance; 2. Split up into economic- political regions; 3. Collapse of the international economic system. The resulting changes in the security policy of each of these three states are indicated and discussed.


Classics ◽  
2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Nagy

The ancient city of Veii (in Italian, Veio) lies seventeen kilometers northwest of Rome and occupies a plateau of approximately 350 hectares, bounded by the rivers Valchetta (ancient Cremera) on the north and east and Piodoro on the west and south. The city had ample water and was naturally defensible, but sections of tufa walls remain, indicating that it was also fortified. Several major roads crossed the city and led toward other centers, such as Rome, Cerveteri, Tarquinia, Vulci, and Capena, via fortified gates. Impressive Etruscan-made drainage tunnels (cuniculi) flank and traverse the plateau. There is sporadic evidence of late Bronze Age settlements in the area, but it was during the Villanovan period, 9th and 8th centuries bce, that villages appeared on the plateau and on the citadel of Piazza d’Armi. A significant growth in population during the late 8th and 7th centuries bce resulted in urbanization. The strength and wealth of the city reached their peak in the 6th century bce, but by the late 5th century bce, conflicts with Rome weakened Veii, and it was finally taken after a ten-year siege in 396 bce by M. Fulvius Camillus. The triumph was sealed by the transfer of the principal cult of Juno Regina to Rome. Although Veii declined sharply after the Roman victory, some of the old popular sanctuaries continued to be frequented by the local population. In 2 bce the status of municipium was conferred on Veii by Augustus. By this time the city was falling into decay, although a small part of the Etruscan site continued to be inhabited, as evidenced by architectural fragments, sculptures (including one of Tiberius now in the Vatican Museum), and inscriptions. Once considered the richest city of the Etruscan League, Veii declined and was abandoned by the end of the 4th century ce. The plateau today is covered by fields, trees, and remnants of ancient structures. Principal among these is the archaeological site of the extra-urban Portonaccio Sanctuary. Etruscan necropolises and a few Roman tombs surround the city. Archaeological surveys continue to yield results such as the 2006 discovery of the early-7th-century Tomb of the Roaring Lions in the Grotta Gramiccia necropolis. In 1997, the Regional National Park of Veii (37,030 acres) was established to ensure the protection of the ancient city and its surroundings from the ravages of urban sprawl and illegal construction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
A. V. Makarycheva ◽  
N. Yu. Silaev ◽  
I. V. Danilin ◽  
A. D. Chekov ◽  
E. P. Shavlay ◽  
...  

The West is concerned over the crisis of the liberal world order attributing it to the conduct of emerging powers, such as China, India and Russia. Are its concerns legitimate? Drawing on social identity theory, the authors analyze the emerging powers’ stances on international development through the lens of status dynamics. In particular, three issue areas are investigated: the debate over the UN development agenda, which has revealed differences between Western and non-Western approaches, the changes in the membership of donor and recipient groups over the last decade and the discourse of emerging countries concerning science and technology, which betrays their self-image of a “developed” or “laggard” state.The key finding of the paper is that the crisis of the liberal world order as a set of institutions created by the US-led countries after WWII manifests itself in the distorting symbolic exchange between developed and developing countries. The emerging states are unwilling to recognize the authority of the West and its leadership in setting the direction of global development. Meanwhile, they are trying to gain the status of development front-runners using their own foreign aid programs and science and technology development strategies. However, the rising states are not uniform and consistent in posing a symbolic challenge to the liberal order – while the Russia is striving for a “developed non-western country” status (thereby copying the USSR’s image), India and China, though to different degrees, are positioning themselves both as developed industrial states and as developing countries which receive aid packages from richer members of the international community. What leads to the distortions in this symbolic exchange is the desire of some emerging powers to use the resources of the West and reap the benefits of the world order created by it while denying it a high status. Thus, a classic economic “free-rider problem” arises in international relations: while benefiting from the liberal order created by the West, the rising states do not recognize the status it ascribes itself ignoring the symbolic hierarchy which, as viewed by western countries, underlies this order.The authors declare the absence of conflict of interest.


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