Racism, fines and fees and the US carceral state

Race & Class ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Jones

The size, scope, and implications of the carceral state, particularly for urban communities of colour, are currently grossly underestimated. This article suggests the need to move beyond the traditional debate about mass incarceration in the US to show how the ubiquitous imposition of fines and fees for low-level offences has wide-reaching poverty-enhancing and racially disparate effects. The author argues that local government institutions such as the police and courts, which comprise the carceral state at neighbourhood level, engage in daily practices that reflect the colourblind racism of neoliberalism, including revenue-generation, which necessarily produce and reinforce race and class inequalities. The American state has always managed and controlled black labour; the author compares the imposition of fines and fees in the wake of black Emancipation and Jim Crowism to the current practice of fines and fees functioning within the paradigm of neoliberal colourblind racism.

Author(s):  
Marie Gottschalk

This chapter examines the limitations of viewing the US carceral state primarily through a racial disparities lens centred on differences in incarceration rates between whites and blacks. It surveys important shifts since the 1970s in who is being incarcerated in the United States, including racial, ethnic, gender, and geographic shifts, most notably between urban and rural areas. It deploys three common frameworks used to help explain the rise of mass incarceration and the hyper-incarceration of African Americans—the culture of control, the culture of poverty, and the war on drugs—to analyse the deepening penetration of the carceral state outside of major urban areas and to examine the opioid crisis.


Author(s):  
Ariel R. White

Contact with the carceral state—ranging from police stops to prison time—is a frequent experience in the United States, particularly in communities marginalized on the basis of race and class. In recent years, political scientists have sought to measure the impacts of these encounters on individuals’ and communities’ political engagement. This review describes the main sources of evidence in this literature and what we learn from them. I present a series of stylized facts about the carceral state and political behavior, highlighting places where we know a great deal (such as the relative underrepresentation of people with criminal convictions among voters) and places where more work is needed (such as nonvoting participation and community spillovers). Then, I discuss policy proposals that seek to mitigate the political impacts of the carceral state, and what is and is not yet known about what they might accomplish. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 25 is May 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.


e-Finanse ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-21
Author(s):  
Beata Zofia Filipiak ◽  
Marek Dylewski

AbstractThe purpose of the article is analysis of participatory budgets as a tool for shaping decisions of local communities on the use of public funds. The authors ask the question of whether the current practice of using the participatory budget is actually a growing trend in local government finances or, after the initial euphoria resulting from participation, society ceased to notice the real possibilities of influencing the directions of public expenditures as an opportunity to legislate public policies implemented. It is expected that the conducted research will allow us to evaluate the participatory budget and indicate whether this tool practically acts as a stimulus for changes in the scope of tasks under public policies. The authors analyzed and evaluated the announced competitions for projects as part of the procedure for elaborating participatory budgeting for selected LGUs. Then, they carried out an in-depth analysis of the data used to assess real social participation in the process of establishing social policies.


Author(s):  
Louçã Francisco ◽  
Ash Michael

Chapter 7 describes the origins of the Chicago School and its successful projection into the hearts and minds of the global ruling class. Working chronologically, there is a description of how this program took root in Chicago and how some of its central figures, Friedman and Harberger, undertook a hemispheric campaign to capture both academic and government institutions. A history of the deregulation movement in the US and case studies of Mexico, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil highlight the breadth and depth of the campaign. The chapter closes in Europe where the neoliberal insurgency faced more-developed social states. Its success varied in Britain, France, and Germany.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-187
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Ziober

AbstractThe activity of representatives of the elites of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which sought equality with the Crowners, but also the defense of their prerogatives was present from the first days after the signing of the Lublin Union. Analyzing this issue, it should be remembered that the Crown and Lithuania were separated state bodies, which union did not merge into one country, but formed a federal state. They were characterized by a separate treasury, army, offices, judiciary, law, local government institutions, i.e. basically everything that determines the administrative independence of the country. Lithuanians wanted to guarantee the same rights as the Crown nobility had, however, remaining separate. Thus, offices were established having the same prerogatives in the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, such as the Grand and Field Hetman, Chancellor and Vice-Chancellors, Treasurer and Grand and Court Marshal, as well as a number of land and town dignities and dignitaries. The first of these were allocated appropriate seats in the senate, behind their crown counterparts, which caused quarrels between Poles and Lithuanians. However, manifestations of activity guaranteeing and “reminding” Poles of Lithuania’s separateness from the Crown were evident throughout the entire existence of the federal Commonwealth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-182
Author(s):  
Paul M. Renfro
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neomi Frisch-Aviram ◽  
Nissim Cohen ◽  
Itai Beeri

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Riri Safira Syahrir ◽  
Elly Suryani

This study aims to investigate the effect of audit opinion and audit findings on the level of corruption in the Regional Government in Indonesia in 2017. The object in this study is the local government included in the Public Integrity Survey conducted by the Corruption Eradication Commission in 2017. The sampling technique used in this study was saturated sampling with a total sample of 19 local government institutions. The method used in this analysis is multiple linear regression using IBM SPSS 25. Based on the results of the test the significance of audit opinions and audit findings simultaneously evaluating the level of corruption. Partially, audit opinion variables and negative audit findings on the level of corruption


Author(s):  
Agnieszka Kozera

The main aim of the article was to show the importance of the agricultural tax as a source of own income of rural communes in Poland in 2004-2015. In order to determine the fiscal importance of the tax, the amount and share of income from the agricultural tax in the own income of rural communes were compared to other types of communes. In addition, the amount of income lost due to the agricultural tax was analyzed. The study showed that the agricultural tax as a source of own income plays the most important role in the budgets of rural communes, although the fiscal role of the tax in these local government sector entities is getting smaller. The agricultural taxation system, which is ineffective from the point of view of communes’ financial self-sufficiency and the construction of which is to a very limited extent related to the real amount of production and income in agriculture, is reflected in the low level of own income potential of rural communes.


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