scholarly journals Female fighters and the fates of rebellions: How mobilizing women influences conflict duration

2021 ◽  
pp. 073889422110347
Author(s):  
Reed M. Wood ◽  
Lindsey Allemang

We investigate the potential relationship between female combatants and conflict duration. We contend that recruiting female combatants extends war duration via its influence on state–rebel bargaining. The recruitment and deployment of female combatants contribute to divergent perspectives between the rebels and the incumbent regarding the rebel group’s capabilities and the depth of its resolve, which impedes successful bargaining and extends the duration of the conflict. Results from duration analyses using data on the estimated prevalence of female combatants in rebel groups active between 1964 and 2011 support our central hypothesis and suggest that the use of female fighters is associated with longer conflicts.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-147
Author(s):  
Brandon Prins ◽  
Anup Phayal ◽  
Ursula E Daxecker

Extant research shows that the presence of natural resources can prolong civil wars. But research also indicates that as rebel groups become stronger, conflicts tend to shorten. These studies suggest an unclear association among the three variables—resources, rebel strength, and conflict duration. If resources increase the fighting ability of rebels, then why do they not shorten conflicts? To understand this relationship, we examine incidents of maritime piracy, which unlike other resources are more clearly exploited by rebel groups rather than states and offer new insight on how this might affect the persistence of civil war. The findings suggest that the use of piracy by weaker rebel groups shortens conflict but prolongs it when exploited by stronger rebel groups. We think our conditional analyses allow us to discern insurgencies driven at least in part by greedy rebels and therefore better illuminate the causal process by which resource wealth prolongs civil war.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Achvarina ◽  
Simon F. Reich

The global number of child soldiers has grown significantly in the last two decades despite a series of protocols designed to curb this trend. They are generally employed in wars where belligerents spend more time attacking civilian populations than fighting professional armies. Used by both governments and rebel groups, child soldiers epitomize many of the problems associated with states at risk: intergenerational violence, poverty, and the failure of efforts to instill the rule of war. Both scholars in security studies and policymakers have largely regarded child soldier recruitment as a humanitarian issue. But recent events have linked child soldiering to insurgency and terrorism, suggesting that this issue is also developing a security dimension. This article examines contrasting arguments about the causes of child soldiering. Using data drawn from nineteen African conflicts, the authors argue that the major explanation for the significant variation in the percentage of child soldiers recruited is the degree of protection against abduction provided by governments and external actors to camps housing internally displaced persons and refugees.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (9) ◽  
pp. 1638-1665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devorah Manekin ◽  
Reed M. Wood

Female combatants play a central role in rebel efforts to cultivate and disseminate positive narratives regarding the movement and its political goals. Yet, the effectiveness of such strategies in shaping audience attitudes or generating tangible benefits for the group remains unclear. We propose and test a theory regarding the channels through which female fighters advance rebel goals. We argue that female fighters positively influence audience attitudes toward rebel groups by strengthening observers’ beliefs about their legitimacy and their decision to use armed tactics. We further contend that these effects directly help them secure support from transnational nonstate actors and indirectly promote state support. We assess our arguments by combining a novel survey experiment in two countries with analyses of new cross-national data on female combatants and information about transnational support for rebels. The empirical results support our arguments and demonstrate the impact of gender framing on rebel efforts to secure support.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marylee C. Taylor ◽  
Maria Krysan ◽  
Matthew Hall

AbstractThis project draws on psychological and sociological social psychology to investigate immigration policy opinions among native-born non-Hispanic Whites. Using data from a suburban Chicago-area county that has seen substantial growth in the Latino immigrant population, we examine Anglos’ opinions on three dimensions of immigration policy: preferred immigration rate, resistance to immigration, and assistance for immigrants. Our central hypothesis is that liberalizing effects of Anglo/Latino interpersonal contact are conditioned on Anglos’ recognition of hardships and barriers faced by Latinos. Five of the six interaction effects we estimated were highly significant: Personal contact with Latinos does promote more positive, progressive immigration policy opinions, but only among some Anglos—those who were acquainted with immigrants who had run afoul of immigration law or believed there is substantial local discrimination against Latinos. The results are reminiscent of James Kluegel’s (1985) analysis of White Americans’ views about affirmative action: “If there isn’t a problem, you don’t need a solution.” Affirmation of local anti-Latino discrimination was the stronger moderator of contact effects and also showed main effects on immigration policy opinion stronger than the effects of interpersonal contact. Denial of anti-Latino discrimination may be a means used by Anglos to defend their group position.


Author(s):  
Ivan Wallan Tertuliano ◽  
Eric Matheus Rocha Lima ◽  
Vivian Oliveira ◽  
Bruna Alves Santana ◽  
Vladan Pavlović ◽  
...  

Research Question: the paper investigates the influence of the size of the squad and the club's expenditures on football in the final classification in seasons 2008 to 2016 of the first division of the Brazilian Football League (Serie A). Motivation: Considering soccer as the most important sport in Brazil, representing a cultural symbol of the country, it is better to make it necessary. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate the influence of the size of the squad on the performance of the teams and, in addition, how much the clubs invest in the formation of these squads. Idea: In this perspective, the central hypothesis of this study is that clubs with the highest number of players will also present the best classifications, and the second central hypothesis is that clubs with more investments in football have the biggest squad. Data: (The study was conducted with data collected over the internet, using data provided by clubs. Only the clubs belonging to the first division were used, being a total of 34 clubs, divided into 2 groups, according to the investment value in Football. Tools: This study presents descriptive and inferential analyses, since the qualitative-quantitative approach was assumed as a way of understanding the data. Assuming the number of clubs participating in the study, we chose non-parametric inferential analyses in the intra- and inter-group evaluations, using the alpha value of 0,05 as criterion. Findings: The results show that the size of the squad is not a determining factor in the ranking of clubs in the National League, but the clubs' spending on football is crucial, since the clubs with the highest spent on football were the clubs with the best safety ratings in 4 of 6 Championships. In addition, the results showed that the size of the squad and spending on Football  are not related, that is, it's not the size of the squad what determines the cost of football and other factors, such as wages of athletes. Contribution: One can conclude that to the first division of the Brazilian championship of professional football, the number of athletes in the squad is not a determining factor for the position taken by the clubs in the competition, but the value invested in wages, corroborating only one of the hypotheses of study. However, this study has some limitations, such as sample size (only 34 teams), the use of clubs from a single country, and the lack of information from other clubs (not all clubs provide their financial statements through the club or federation website). Therefore, we emphasize the need for new studies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (13) ◽  
pp. 5334
Author(s):  
Jelle Schepers ◽  
Wim Voordeckers ◽  
Tensie Steijvers ◽  
Eddy Laveren

Building on the resource-based view (RBV) of the firm, this paper suggests that a family firm’s long-term orientation (LTO) can be an important resource that increases firm-level entrepreneurial orientation (EO). Nevertheless, resource orchestration suggests that managers need to orchestrate their resources in order to realize any potential advantage. Therefore, we hypothesize that a family firm’s LTO entails potential resources to engage in entrepreneurial activities, while a participative decision making (PDM) style serves as coordinating mechanism that helps the firm to manage these resources. Using data from 209 private family firms, the results show a positive association between LTO and EO. Also, PDM was found to positively moderate the LTO-EO relationship, providing empirical support for our central hypothesis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kalah Gade ◽  
Mohammed M Hafez ◽  
Michael Gabbay

Violent conflict among rebels is a common feature of civil wars and insurgencies. Yet, not all rebel groups are equally prone to such infighting. While previous research has focused on the systemic causes of violent conflict within rebel movements, this article explores the factors that affect the risk of conflict between pairs of rebel groups. We generate hypotheses concerning how differences in power, ideology, and state sponsors between rebel groups impact their propensity to clash and test them using data from the Syrian civil war. The data, drawn from hundreds of infighting claims made by rebel groups on social media, are used to construct a network of conflictual ties among 30 rebel groups. The relationship between the observed network structure and the independent variables is evaluated using network analysis metrics and methods including assortativity, community structure, simulation, and latent space modeling. We find strong evidence that ideologically distant groups have a higher propensity for infighting than ideologically proximate ones. We also find support for power asymmetry, meaning that pairs of groups of disparate size are at greater risk of infighting than pairs of equal strength. No support was found for the proposition that sharing state sponsors mitigates rebels’ propensity for infighting. Our results provide an important corrective to prevailing theory, which discounts the role of ideology in militant factional dynamics within fragmented conflicts.


2008 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Warren Warren ◽  
Eric Grodsky ◽  
Jennifer C. Lee

Since the late 1970s, an increasing number of states have required students to pass statewide high school exit examinations (HSEEs) in order to graduate. States have usually adopted HSEEs in response to the perception that a substantial number of graduates lack skills that are required for success in the modern economy. What do these educational reforms mean for students' postsecondary economic and labor market prospects? The central hypothesis of the study presented here was that state HSEE policies have the effect of widening gaps in labor force status and earnings between young people who have high school diplomas and those who do not. To test this hypothesis, the authors modeled the association between state HSEE policies and these labor market outcomes using data from the 1980–2000 U.S. censuses and the 1984–2002 Outgoing Rotation Groups of the Current Population Survey. The results revealed no evidence that state HSEEs positively affect labor force status or earnings or that the connections between state HSEE policies and these outcomes vary by students' race/ethnicity or the level of difficulty of state HSEEs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roos Haer ◽  
Tobias Böhmelt

While we know why rebels may recruit children for their cause, our understanding of the consequences of child soldiering by non-state armed groups remains limited. The following research contributes to addressing this by examining how rebels’ child recruitment practice affects the duration of internal armed conflicts. We advance the argument that child soldiering increases the strength of rebel organizations vis-a-vis the government. This, in turn, lowers the capability asymmetry between these non-state actors and the incumbent, allowing the former to sustain dispute. Ultimately, the duration of armed conflicts is likely to be prolonged. We analyse this relationship with quantitative data on child soldier recruitment by rebel groups in the post-1989 period. The results confirm our main hypothesis: disputes are substantially longer when rebels recruit children. This work has important implications for the study of armed conflicts, conflict duration and our understanding of child soldiering.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document