scholarly journals Media Use and Voter Turnout in a Presidential Election

1996 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 25-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Simon
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Media Use ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand

This study suggests that newspaper use is related to likelihood that a person will vote. The use of television, radio and magazines, on the other hand, is not linked to voting.

scholarly journals Um modelo sócio-econômico para análise dos votos do partido verde nos municípios paranaenses na eleição presidencial de 2010

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronivaldo Steingraber
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Variables ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Relative Share ◽  
Socio Economic Variables

Este artigo analisa o desempenho do Partido Verde nas eleições presidenciais de 2010 nos municípios paranaenses em função de variáveis sócioeconômicas. O modelo estimado mostra que o PV apresenta melhor desempenhoem termos de participação relativa nos votos em municípios com maior renda, grau de urbanização e número de estudantes. Por outro lado, nos municípios com maior participação de gastos em saúde e educação e maior número de eleitores o desempenho é inversamente proporcional.Abstract: This paper analyses the Green Party performance in the 2010 presidential election in the cities of Paraná on the basis of socio-economic variables. The estimated model shows that PV performs better in terms of relative share ofvotes in cities with higher income, degree of urbanization, and number of students. On the other hand, in cities with higher share of spending on health and education, and a greater number of voters, the performance is inversely proportional.

Aporia and Wonder in the Age of Big Data

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-152
Author(s):  
Murray Skees ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Big Data ◽  
Media Use ◽  
Internet User ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Social Media Use ◽  
Other Hand

My argument in this paper is given in two parts. In Part I, I review the ancient understanding of aporia, focusing on works by Plato and Aristotle. I illustrate two ways of understanding aporia: “cathartic” and “zetetic.” Cathartic aporia refers to the experience of being purged of hubris and ignorance through the dialectic. Zetetic aporia, on the other hand, requires us to engage in, recognize, and work through certain philosophical puzzles or problems. In Part II, I discuss the idea of Big Data and then argue that in the “age of answers” neither conception of aporia appears to be necessarily cultivated by the average Internet user. Our experience of wonder suffers when we rely so heavily on the Internet as a “surrogate expert,” and when our social media use betrays the fact that we always seem to gravitate towards the like-minded.

scholarly journals TENAGA KERJA INDONESIA (TKI) DAN HUBUNGAN INDONESIA-MALAYSIA ERA JOKOWI

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 01
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum
Keyword(s):  
National Economy ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Local People ◽  
Leadership Succession ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Relationship

Following the leadership succession in the post Presidential Election in 2014 from the 6th Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to the 7th Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), the Indonesian migrant workers became one of the priorities of the new government. The reason is simple, there are still many Indonesian workers especially in Malaysia who are involved in various problems and cases. The issue of protection of Indonesian citizens abroad became the primary agenda of Jokowi’s administration including protection on migrant workers. To be sure, the various issues of migrant workers eventually impact on the relationship between the two brotherhod countries, Indonesia and Malaysia. On the other hand, both countries were obviously gained so many advantages from the influx of Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia. For Indonesian government for instance, the migrant workers is one of the largest revenue contributors from their remittance. As for Malaysia, the presence of Indonesian migrant workers were highly contributed to the national economy amid of the local people are lack of interested to such kind of dirty jobs. Therefore, this article would like to invite readers into a deep discussion comprehensively on the issues of migrant workers and their implications on the Indonesia-Malaysia relations especially in the first half of Jokowi’s tenure of presidency.

Note on Application of the Semantic Differential to the Electoral Process

1976 ◽  
Vol 38 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1185-1186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Wildman ◽  
Robert W. Wildman
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Semantic Differential ◽  
The Other ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Other Hand

A question emerging from a review of the application of the semantic differential to the electoral process concerns whether a candidate's image is stimulus- or perceiver-determined, does a candidate have an image agreed upon by both his supporters and opponents or is a candidate viewed in one way by his supporters and in an entirely different way by others? The answer to this question should depend on the particular scales employed. The present study isolated a pool of stimulus-determined and a pool of perceiver-determined items. When applied to the 1972 Presidential Election, on the stimulus-determined scales both McGovern and Nixon supporters agreed on the characteristics of the two candidates but disagreed on which characteristics an “Ideal” President should possess. On the perceiver-determined scales, on the other hand, there was agreement on an “Ideal” President but disagreement about which candidate had these traits.

scholarly journals Implikasi Pergeseran Sistem Politik terhadap Hukum dan Birokrasi di Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 868
Author(s):  
Suryo Gilang Romadlon
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Impact

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.

France

2021 ◽  
pp. 351-375
Author(s):  
Lennard Alke ◽  
Sylvain Brouard ◽  
Olivier Rozenberg
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

French plenary debates are considered in the literature to present an intermediary case where individual members have access to the floor while being under the control of frontbenchers. This chapter confirms the assessment regarding the parliamentary rules. However, it shows that debates tend to be dominated by holders of key institutionalized positions. The results should be related to the somewhat contradictory incentives provided by the electoral rules: a single-member district system on the one hand that may incentivize to cultivate a personal vote. On the other hand, it is a dominating presidential election that gives a determining national feature to parliamentary elections. The paper also questions the view that the politics of parliamentary debates is mainly driven by electoral logic, showing that concerns of efficiency also matter in a talking parliament such as the French one.

Candidate Debates and L’Émission politique in the Rivalry between TF1 and France 2

2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila Perry
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Regulatory Framework ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
The Public ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Journalists

This article examines the rivalry between the two main French television channels, the private TF1 and the public sector France 2, as expressed through the medium of political programming during the 2017 presidential election. Examining the assertion that TF1 reasserted its leadership in this ‘return match’, and setting it in the wider context of current trends in politics on television, it is argued that TF1 astutely exploited new provisions in the regulatory framework for 2017, while also benefiting from a favourable, unprecedented set of political circumstances. France 2, on the other hand, saw its reputation as a vehicle for informed political discussion somewhat tarnished by a series of decisions designed to meet the ever-increasing challenge posed by both its traditional rival and later entrants – notably the rolling news channel BFMTV – and infotainment. The 2017 developments raise questions regarding the role of political journalists in televised debate.

scholarly journals Badanie wyborcze realizowane w dniu wyborów prezydenckich w 2010 roku jako przykład badania realizowanego w miejscu publicznym

2021 ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Konrad Krystian Kuźma
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Research Technique ◽  
Research Techniques ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Selection Of

As part of the article, the author presents the advantages and disadvantages of research solutions used during the presidential election in 2010. The decision to choose these elections as an example was dictated, on the one hand, by the fact that the survey on the day of the election was carried out by three companies, and on the other hand, by the fact that different research techniques were used. Moreover, the conducted research is well documented both in the journalism and in the report of Professor Domański’s team, and by the author himself, who analyzed this problem in terms of the selection of an appropriate research technique earlier.

Coattail Voting in Recent Presidential Elections

1983 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall L. Calvert ◽  
John A. Ferejohn
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Other ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Congressional Representation

This article presents a method for analyzing the extent and strength of coattail voting in presidential elections. This method allows the authors to estimate the magnitude of coattail voting and then to decompose this estimate into more “basic” elements. Estimates are given for presidential elections beginning with 1956.The determination of the coattail vote and its decomposition depend on the theory of the voting decision that is assumed. In this article we present a model of vote determination that is similar in most respects to the traditional SRC model; the vote for congressional representation in a presidential election year is determined jointly by partisan affiliation, attitudes toward the presidential candidates, and local forces unique to the congressional race (such as may be captured by an incumbency variable). This model permits the separate estimation of the strength of short-term forces and of the efficiency of the presidential coattails.Application of the model to survey data since 1956 indicates that efficiency of presidential coattails has declined during this period. Furthermore, the 1980 election does not appear to be an exception to this trend. On the other hand there has not been any particular trend in the strength of short-term forces during this period; instead events peculiar to the context of a specific election generate short-term forces at the level of the presidential election, but the degree to which these forces are carried over to local races seems to have declined.

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