scholarly journals Um modelo sócio-econômico para análise dos votos do partido verde nos municípios paranaenses na eleição presidencial de 2010

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronivaldo Steingraber

Este artigo analisa o desempenho do Partido Verde nas eleições presidenciais de 2010 nos municípios paranaenses em função de variáveis sócioeconômicas. O modelo estimado mostra que o PV apresenta melhor desempenhoem termos de participação relativa nos votos em municípios com maior renda, grau de urbanização e número de estudantes. Por outro lado, nos municípios com maior participação de gastos em saúde e educação e maior número de eleitores o desempenho é inversamente proporcional.Abstract: This paper analyses the Green Party performance in the 2010 presidential election in the cities of Paraná on the basis of socio-economic variables. The estimated model shows that PV performs better in terms of relative share ofvotes in cities with higher income, degree of urbanization, and number of students. On the other hand, in cities with higher share of spending on health and education, and a greater number of voters, the performance is inversely proportional.

Author(s):  
Filiz Yildirim ◽  
Nuray Akpolat

The purpose of this study, planned as a quantitative research, is to determine the relationship between planning retirement financially in middle-age period and some socio-economic variables. This study is conducted through 287 participants, who live in Nevsehir, Turkey, aged 40-59, and were reached via the help of some key individuals. As the result of the study, statistically no significant difference has been found between the responses of women and men about planning the retirement financially. However, it has been verified that men's financial plans for retirement were higher in rates than that of women. On the other hand, it was also found that although neither women nor men feel ready for the retirement, it has been determined that for men the factor of being an owner of a house and for women the factor of saving up increases the financial planning for the retirement.


1996 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 25-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Simon

This study suggests that newspaper use is related to likelihood that a person will vote. The use of television, radio and magazines, on the other hand, is not linked to voting.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 01
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum

Following the leadership succession in the post Presidential Election in 2014 from the 6th Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to the 7th Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), the Indonesian migrant workers became one of the priorities of the new government. The reason is simple, there are still many Indonesian workers especially in Malaysia who are involved in various problems and cases. The issue of protection of Indonesian citizens abroad became the primary agenda of Jokowi’s administration including protection on migrant workers. To be sure, the various issues of migrant workers eventually impact on the relationship between the two brotherhod countries, Indonesia and Malaysia. On the other hand, both countries were obviously gained so many advantages from the influx of Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia. For Indonesian government for instance, the migrant workers is one of the largest revenue contributors from their remittance. As for Malaysia, the presence of Indonesian migrant workers were highly contributed to the national economy amid of the local people are lack of interested to such kind of dirty jobs. Therefore, this article would like to invite readers into a deep discussion comprehensively on the issues of migrant workers and their implications on the Indonesia-Malaysia relations especially in the first half of Jokowi’s tenure of presidency.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lothar Probst

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .


1976 ◽  
Vol 38 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1185-1186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Wildman ◽  
Robert W. Wildman

A question emerging from a review of the application of the semantic differential to the electoral process concerns whether a candidate's image is stimulus- or perceiver-determined, does a candidate have an image agreed upon by both his supporters and opponents or is a candidate viewed in one way by his supporters and in an entirely different way by others? The answer to this question should depend on the particular scales employed. The present study isolated a pool of stimulus-determined and a pool of perceiver-determined items. When applied to the 1972 Presidential Election, on the stimulus-determined scales both McGovern and Nixon supporters agreed on the characteristics of the two candidates but disagreed on which characteristics an “Ideal” President should possess. On the perceiver-determined scales, on the other hand, there was agreement on an “Ideal” President but disagreement about which candidate had these traits.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 868
Author(s):  
Suryo Gilang Romadlon

Coalition can be the effective way to collect the power for struggle in the competitive politics. In Indonesia, after the reform era, the coalition system being the most popular system that granted by the constitution. Phrase ”coalition of political parties” in the article number 6A point (2) UUD 1945 shows us that the coalition system is the constitutional and the fix way. From all the historical story about the coalition of political parties in Indonesia, we can make a conclusion that the coalition system wich is exist in Indonesia is just coalition made by interest, not ideology. Coalition only to reach the “threshold”. Political parties only thinking about how to complete the mission to propose the candidate. Surely, That’s all the problem. We can see that the coalition system in Indonesia just make some paradox. For example, in presidential election 2014, in one hand we can see the batle between “KMP” and “KIH”, but in the other hand, we cand find a different situation in local politic competition. On 9 December 2015, The simultaneous regional election was completed held, and I saw that the battle between KMP and KIH wasn’t happened in that moment. Based on the fact from KPU, we can find in some region, the inconsistence coalition was built by the political parties which is member of KMP join with member of KIH. That condition shows us that the coalition system in Indonesia is just based on interest. There is no linear/consistence coalition between central and local, so automatically we can find a question, “where is the platform, vision and mission of political party in Indonesia? And How about the impact to the bureaucratic system between central and local government?. Finally, The Author is trying to answer the questions in this paper.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lloyd Chambless

AbstractIn our recent paper Why do per capita COVID-19 Case Rates Differ Between U.S. States? we established that U.S. states with a Democratic governor and a Democratic legislature have lower COVID-19 per capita case rates than states with a Republican governor and a Republican legislature, and case rates of states with a mixed government fall between the two. This difference remained after accounting for differences between states in several demographic and socio-economic variables. In a recent working paper The Changing Political Geographies of COVID-19 in the U.S. it was found that that early in the pandemic U.S. counties at higher levels of percentage Democratic vote in the 2016 presidential election had higher weekly per capita COVID-19 rates, but that the situation was in the opposite direction by August 2020. We show here that counties with a higher percentage of Democratic vote in the 2016 presidential election have a lower mean cumulative per capita rate of COVID-19 cases and of COVID-19 deaths, adjusted for county demographic and socio-economic characteristics, but only for counties in states that currently have a Democratic governor and both chambers of the legislature Democratic or in states that have a mixed government, but not for states that currently have a Republican governor and both chambers in the legislature Republican. One possible contributor to this difference is that some state Republican governments have restricted local action to fight the spread of COVID-19.


Jurnal Varian ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-67
Author(s):  
Arya Fendha Ibnu Shina

Poverty is one of the important indicators to see the success of a country's development. Every country will try optimally to reduce poverty. On the other hand poverty is one of the economic variables that is dynamic, meaning that the value of a variable is influenced by the value of other variables and also the value of the variables concerned in the past. The purpose of this study was to analyze the effect of lag from poverty indicators, GDP, Gini Index, HDI, and on poverty levels. Based on the results of the study concluded that the lag coefficients of poverty and HDI indicators significantly influence the poverty of provinces in Indonesia. In addition, if there is an increase in HDI of 1% then in the short term it will cause a decrease in poverty of 1.747% and in the long term of 2.085


2021 ◽  
pp. 351-375
Author(s):  
Lennard Alke ◽  
Sylvain Brouard ◽  
Olivier Rozenberg

French plenary debates are considered in the literature to present an intermediary case where individual members have access to the floor while being under the control of frontbenchers. This chapter confirms the assessment regarding the parliamentary rules. However, it shows that debates tend to be dominated by holders of key institutionalized positions. The results should be related to the somewhat contradictory incentives provided by the electoral rules: a single-member district system on the one hand that may incentivize to cultivate a personal vote. On the other hand, it is a dominating presidential election that gives a determining national feature to parliamentary elections. The paper also questions the view that the politics of parliamentary debates is mainly driven by electoral logic, showing that concerns of efficiency also matter in a talking parliament such as the French one.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila Perry

This article examines the rivalry between the two main French television channels, the private TF1 and the public sector France 2, as expressed through the medium of political programming during the 2017 presidential election. Examining the assertion that TF1 reasserted its leadership in this ‘return match’, and setting it in the wider context of current trends in politics on television, it is argued that TF1 astutely exploited new provisions in the regulatory framework for 2017, while also benefiting from a favourable, unprecedented set of political circumstances. France 2, on the other hand, saw its reputation as a vehicle for informed political discussion somewhat tarnished by a series of decisions designed to meet the ever-increasing challenge posed by both its traditional rival and later entrants – notably the rolling news channel BFMTV – and infotainment. The 2017 developments raise questions regarding the role of political journalists in televised debate.


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