The Counter-Revolution’s Long March: The American Right’s Shift from Primitive to Advanced Leninism

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-358
Author(s):  
Cihan Tuğal

Why is the contemporary Right fascinated by Lenin? Commentators take this infatuation as evidence that the Right has forsaken freedom. By taking Lenin out of context, this argument not only reproduces a wrong reading of history, but misconstrues what the Right learns from its undeclared mentor. Leninism’s crux is neither authoritarianism nor zealotry, but the formulation of a long-term strategy in hostile terrain. Based on conflicting right-wing currents’ texts and actions, I analyze the making of such a strategy. The Right’s advanced Leninism comprises: 1) post-sectarian elimination, incorporation, and disciplining of collaborationists and hardliners; 2) (semi-secretive) cadre-raising; 3) (“hegemonic”) coalition-building; 4) infiltration of institutions; 5) a weakening of the enemy; 6) the creation of a parallel universe of material interests. Nevertheless, authoritarianism, which is a strong tendency of original Leninism, is an ingrained characteristic of right-wing Bolshevism. Only a Gramscian reconstruction of Leninism can restore its emancipatory potential.

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec

In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election, the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) gained 10.79% of the votes – an unprecedented success, compared to most of the pirate parties across Europe. However, as their electoral gain varies widely across the Czech Republic’s territory, this article analyses all (more than 6000) Czech municipalities in the elections of 2010, 2013, and 2017 to explain this variation. Overall, the success of the Pirates was driven especially by obtaining much more support in larger municipalities with younger populations (although not only those aged 18–24 but also older ones), lower unemployment, higher turnout, and lower support for leftist parties. Thus, from a spatial perspective, the patterns of Pirate voting largely resembled long-term spatial support for Czech rightist parties and we can conclude that the Pirates made considerable inroads to regions which had historically been strongholds of the Civic Democratic Party, as the former main party of the right, but also strongholds of minor right-wing (‘liberal centre’) parties of the 1990s and early 2000s. Success of the Pirates thus was based especially on votes from municipalities located in more developed areas, where the Pirates received many more votes than in structurally disadvantaged regions.


Plants ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 2165
Author(s):  
Theo van Hintum ◽  
Johannes M. M. Engels ◽  
Lorenzo Maggioni

Europe is very active in terms of conserving plant genetic resources, with hundreds of genebanks and thousands of dedicated people involved. However, the resulting infrastructure is, along with being very expensive, far from efficient and not very reliable. In this opinion paper, the authors describe how this situation arose, and why the European Cooperative Programme for Plant Genetic Resources (ECPGR), the collaborative umbrella organization of the European countries involved, has not been able to improve this situation so far significantly. The principles of the decentralized virtual genebank (AEGIS) are described, and an analysis is made of the reasons for its lack of success. Possible changes for making AEGIS a success, or at least steps in the right direction, are proposed. These changes center around the creation of a system of certified genebanks with proper quality management, guaranteeing the long-term conservation of, and immediate access to the plant genetic resources conserved in it.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (06) ◽  
pp. 1797-1815
Author(s):  
AAKRITI MANDHWANI

AbstractThe article discusses Saritā, one of the best-selling Hindi magazines of the 1950s, and the part it played in the establishment of the Hindi ‘middlebrow’ reader. While a rich and vibrant journal culture in Hindi had existed since the nineteenth century, what distinguishes the post-1947 Hindi popular magazine is the emergence of the middle class as a burgeoning consumer. Saritā defied prescriptions of Nehruvian state building, as well as the right-wing discourses of nationalism and national language prevalent in the post-Independence space. In addition, it reconfigured biases towards gendered reading and consumption processes, as well as encouraging increased reader participation. This article argues for Saritā’s role in the creation of a middlebrow reading space in the period immediately following Independence, since it not only packaged what was deemed wholesome and educational for the family as a unit, but also, most significantly, promoted readership in segments, with a focus on each individual's reading desires.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Ahmad H. Sa'di

The long-term shift of the Israeli public to the right has resulted in the ascendance of a host of radical right wing ideologies and political parties. Yisrael Beitenu party, led by Avigdor Lieberman, an émigré from the former USSR, has attracted special attention for its xenophobic and fierce anti-Palestinian racist platform on the one hand, and for its audience which is largely composed of new Russian immigrants on the other. Various explanations have been given for the ascendance of this party, such as the imperialist culture of its Russian audience, its populist messages which lure citizens – mostly new migrants – disillusioned with the liberal democratic system and the racism prevalent in Russian culture towards the Muslim peoples of central Asia. However, a careful review of the political attitudes of Yisrael Beitenu supporters reveals that their beliefs are not significantly different from those held by mainstream Israelis. Thus, instead of looking for explanations for the rise of Yisrael Beitenu exogenous to Israeli culture and society, this article traces these reasons to the colonial nature of Israeli society, where a schizophrenic culture has emerged in which existing reality is denied, and even condemned. The new immigrants, beside the syndrome of over-loyalty which they have, seem to misinterpret the colonial culture into which they arrived. They seem to adhere to the facts of life as they are without much obfuscation or vindication.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siri Gloppen

Abstract Women's sexual and reproductive rights are politicized worldwide, with the most contentious right being the right to safe, legal abortion. In Latin America, where one stands on the issue of abortion has become a central identity marker; a salient issue in electoral mobilization, and a matter of coalition building and high politics. As a consequence, legalized contestation over abortion is raging across Latin America, and indeed much of the world. This article conceptualizes this as “abortion lawfare” and develops a framework for analyzing the complex dynamics and long-term, multi-sited strategies at play in the wars over abortion. The concept of lawfare – despite and, to some extent, because of its ideological uses and connotations – serves as a useful heuristic tool for grasping these dynamics, and the lawfare typology brings out the different facets of the phenomenon in terms of actors, strategies, and arenas and provides the basis for analyzing how, in any given context, actors face multiple and shifting opportunity structures. This, in turn, influences the strategies they pursue and what is achieved.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerii Pavlenko ◽  
Mykola Polovin

The article addresses the electoral history of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands in the period from the beginning of 1980s till 2017, as well as features inherent in these parties. Similarities and differences between the nationalist, anti-immigrant parties of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, French Republic and Austria have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the nationalistically-oriented parties – French Front National (“National Front”, from June 1st 2018 Rassemblement national – “National Rally”), Austrian Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (“Freedom Party of Austria”) and Dutch Partij voor de Vrijheid (“Dutch Party for Freedom”) has been conducted. Influence of various problems present in these countries’ societies on the electoral performance of the mentioned above parties has been analyzed. Research on the electoral trends and main reasons for the surge in popularity of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands has been carried out. Direct influence of the issue of illegal immigration (especially so – from the Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East) on electoral preferences of the Austrians, French and Dutch has been demonstrated. History of the creation of the modern-day leading right-wing populist political parties, as well as their ideological evolution has been thoroughly analyzed. The parties’ differences in terms of political, social and economic aspects have been shown. Reasons for the right-wing populist parties’ popularity in Austria, France and the Netherlands have been identified – among them, the most important ones are the increasing immigration of Muslims to these countries, as well as the growing distrust of the citizens of Austria, France and the Netherlands towards the governing bodies and policies of the European Union. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland’s and Wales’ economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements. Influence of internal rows and ideological divergencies within the National Rally, Freedom Party of Austria and Dutch Party for Freedom on the parties’ performance has been demonstrated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abby L. Ferber

This address examines a growing problem in academia: the public targeted online harassment of faculty. This harassment, organized and carried out by the alt-right and supported by other sectors of the right wing across the spectrum from mainstream to extreme, are intended to silence faculty and censor the curriculum. I examine a range of contextual factors that have facilitated this phenomenon, and discuss the experiences of seven other people, as well as myself, all with connections to higher education, that have experienced this unique form of attack. These conversations provide insight into the patterns evident in the form of the attack, individual and university responses, and informed the creation of lists of recommendations for those experiencing, preparing, and responding to attacks.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Salzborn

Right-wing extremism in Germany has recently undergone considerable changes with a new right-wing party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) successfully entering several local state parliaments as well as the European Parliament, “Pegida” demonstrations representing a new type of public action in terms of social movements, and the emergence of institutions like the Library of Conservatism and magazine projects like Sezession. This article considers whether such developments could be seen as a renaissance of the “New Right”, representing a long-term success in its strategies. Since the 1970s, the strategy of the New Right has been based on promoting a culturally conservative metapolitics in the pursuit of “cultural hegemony”, meaning to influence public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany and shift it to the right— which at first glance might seem to have succeeded in light of recent events. The developments seen in German far-right extremism, however, have been neither monocausal nor monolithic. Therefore, this article will take a closer look at various aspects of the idea that recent changes in Germany’s rightwing extremism might represent a successful implementation of this New Right strategy.


2015 ◽  
pp. 88-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devparna Roy

Market penetration by the hegemonic core state's agricultural biotechnology firms has been preceded and accompanied by a vigorous anti-genetically modified seeds (anti-GM) movement in semi-peripheral India. To understand the extent of anti-imperialism and anti-capitalism exhibited by the Indian state, it is useful to investigate the character of democratizing forces-such as the anti-GM movement-which interact with and shape the state. I use primary and secondary data sources to analyze the anti-GM movement in India and argue that the movement is anti-corporate without being anti-capitalist. Further, it is counter-hegemonic but not anti-systemic. These four traits reflect the strengths and weaknesses of exemplary coalition-building between right-wing nationalists, centrists, and left activists. The Indian anti-GM movement suffered an early failure when the Indian state commercialized Bt cotton seeds in 2002, following the entry of unauthorized Bt cotton seeds and lobbying by farmers' groups for legalization of Bt cotton seeds. However, an effective coalition between the right-wing, centrist, and left elements was built by about 2006. This was followed by a most significant victory for the anti-GM movement in February 2010, when the Indian state placed an indefinite moratorium on the commercialization of Bt brinjal seeds. A second, more qualified, victory was achieved by the anti-GM movement when the Indian state placed a hold on field trials of GM crops in July 2014. The anti-GM coalition has been successful in pressing ideologically different political parties to take steps against the multinational seed firms based in core states. Further, it has enabled the Indian state to move from a sub-imperialist to an anti-imperialist role regarding GM seeds. But until the anti-GM coalition in India resolves its inner contradictions and becomes resolutely anti-capitalist and anti-systemic, it will not be able to effectively challenge the anti-imperialist Indian state's pro-capitalist stance regarding GM seeds and industrial agriculture.


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