Internal Migrants and Voting Participation Constraints: A Study in Delhi

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-135
Author(s):  
Kislay Kumar Singh

The Census of 2011 recorded about 450 million internal migrants in India, who changed their place of residence within and between states for economic and educational reasons among others. Many of them retain their voting rights at their native place, as they do not shift permanently. Such migrants do, and are expected to, visit their constituency and cast their vote at the local polling booths during the time of election. However, many of them also stay away from their native places even at the time of election. This has implications for their electoral and political participation and the democratic process at large. This article attempts to elaborate how the spatial distance restrains a significant section of population from participating in the electoral system, drawing on the experiences of internal migrants in Delhi region.

Author(s):  
David Lublin ◽  
Shaun Bowler

Every democratic process short of unanimity produces opinion minorities. Political divisions along anchored demographic characteristics like language, religion, race, or ethnicity challenge pluralist models of governance by threatening to entrench the exclusion of minority groups from political power. Especially when attuned to ethnic geography, electoral engineering through manipulation of the electoral system and other rules governing the electoral process, such as boundary delimitation, reserved seats, ballot-access requirements, and ethnic party bans, can help promote either inclusion or exclusion of minorities. Ensuring long-term interethnic peace has proved more difficult. Scholars continue to grapple with how to ensure minority inclusion without freezing existing divisions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 470-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW C. EGGERS ◽  
NICK VIVYAN

Strategic voting is an important explanation for aggregate political phenomena, but we know little about how strategic voting varies across types of voters. Are richer voters more strategic than poorer voters? Does strategic behavior vary with age, education, gender, or political leaning? The answers may be important for assessing how well an electoral system represents different preferences in society. We introduce a new approach to measuring and comparing strategic voting across voters that can be broadly applied, given appropriate survey data. In recent British elections, we find that older voters vote more strategically than younger voters and that richer voters vote more strategically than poorer voters, even as strategic behavior varies little across the education level. The differences in strategic voting by age and income are smaller than observed differences in turnout by age and income, but they tend to exacerbate these better-known inequalities in political participation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Jack Chola Bwalya ◽  
Prasanth Sukumar

Numerous empirical research studies posit that social capital has a positive influence on peoples’ political participation. Studies conducted in developed western democracies have revealed that social capital strengthens democratic institutions by impacting both the quantity and quality of citizens’ political participation. However, in the developing democracies of Africa, the effects of social capital on political participation remain under-researched. This paper aims to empirically examine whether the interrelation between social capital and political participation holds true in the developing democracies of Africa. By operationalising the concept of social capital as membership in civic associations, this paper examines the influence of social capital on peoples’ voting participation in three Southern African countries, viz. Botswana, Namibia and Zambia. Using data from the sixth round of the Afrobarometer Survey, this study found that social capital was strongly linked to voting participation in these countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (Issue 3) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Jyldyz Isakova ◽  
Aynura Sayakova ◽  
Gulnara Beishenbieva

Objective: To study the nature of changes and peculiarities of the menstrual function in adolescent girls, internal migrants from the highland regions of the republic, depending on the length of stay in lowland areas. Methods: Overall 387 migrants from high-altitude girls were examined. The obtained data were compared with those of 280 girls, permanent residents of Bishkek. We examined the residence duration in both highlands and lowlands, the age of the menarche, the length of the menstrual cycle, the number of menstruation days, the frequency and the amount of blood loss before and after moving to lowland conditions. Results:  Lengthening of the menstrual cycle and an increase in menstruation days, as well as, a slight increase for blood loss during menstruation were revealed. The change in place of residence also affects the regularity of the menstrual cycle, which may be due to some hypocoagulation state of the hemostasis system in them during de-adaptation to low-mountain conditions. These changes are particularly pronounced when the term of residence in the lowlands is up to 1 year. Conclusion: Thus, the study of peculiarities of menstrual function and tendencies of its changes in response to the move from highland region to the lowland region for adolescent girls showed that there is a slight increase of a menstrual cycle and an increase in the menstruation itself. In addition, there was an increase in the amount of blood loss during menstruation. The change of place of residence influenced the regularity of the menstrual cycle as well, which may be due to some hypocoagulation state of the hemostasis system in them during de-adaptation to low-mountain conditions. These changes are especially expressed for girls who just move in to the lowland region and being there for up to a year.


Author(s):  
Ertem Gulen ◽  
Oguzhan Aygoren

Political consumerism is a form of self-expression where consumers boycott or buycott a brand, company, or a product. The increase in the amount of these actions in recent years has led scholars and marketers improve their understanding of how and why consumers engage in political consumerism and what its predecessors are. By employing a wide scale survey among 360 participants in Turkey, this study presents empirical and qualitative evidence for boycott behavior and investigates how other forms of political participation and individual level characteristics have an effect on political consumerism. Results suggest main reason for boycott behavior in Turkey is due to political reasons and conservatism as an individual level value orientation has a negative effect on boycott behavior. In addition, online activism and voting participation behaviors have positive effects on political consumerism.


Author(s):  
Karen Celis

The Conclusion recaps the transformative potential of Feminist Democratic Representation, before reflecting a final time on the vignettes. This chapter explores how the representational problematics experienced by women might fare were the authors’ feminist democratic process of representation in place. The first effect is a changed composition of elected political institutions: accomplished by supplementing descriptive representation. In transforming the membership of legislatures via the affected representatives of women, the institutional agenda and deliberation are rebalanced in women’s favor, reflective of the diversity of women. The design thus makes meaningful political participation possible, creates stronger representative relationships, and ensures systematic accountability—re-connecting formal politics with the represented. In these ways—through a feminist process of representation—women’s poverty of representation is redressed.


2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel A. Smith

In 2000, Ghana's landmark elections ushered in a new era of democracy. Scholars, however, have yet to scrutinise the structural underpinnings of the country's electoral system. This article offers a detailed assessment of Ghana's bloated voters' register, patterns of voter turnout and the lingering accusation of electoral irregularities in the Volta and Ashanti Regions in the 2000 elections. Most significantly, it critically analyses the severe malapportionment of the country's 200 parliamentary seats. While the 2000 elections helped to consolidate the democratic process in Ghana, structural inequalities continue to plague the country's electoral system.


Author(s):  
Ma. Rosario B. Tamayo

The study focused on women’s participation in electoral politics in the province of Batangas, their priority programs, the factors that impede their participation and the platform for action that Lyceum of the Philippines University-Batangas can propose to help increase women’s political participation in the province. Descriptive-correlational method was employed utilizing convenient sampling. Survey questionnaire and interview was utilized in data gathering. Respondents of the study are women politicians who won in the 2007 local election. Findings revealed that majority of women politician’s priority is health. They were recruited by political parties and their political experience is by being councilors in their respective areas. They believe that support of the community, family and personality are the factors for winning. Lack of financial resources and the type of electoral system as well as the lack of quota reservations are the socio-economic factors that impede women’s participation. On the other hand, the cultural and institutional factors include lack of party support including money and other resources and the lack of coordination and support from women’s organization and other NGO’s, how women are portrayed in media is believe to be the ideological and psychological factors that impede women’s participation in politics.   Keywords - feminism, politics, election


2003 ◽  
Vol 175 ◽  
pp. 726-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nimrod Baranovitch

Recent literature on Uyghur identity in China makes clear that Uyghurs today not only have perceptions and narratives relating to their identity which challenge official ones, but also that these are expressed publicly in literature, art and everyday practice. However, to date this agency has been highlighted only in the context of the Uyghurs' native-place, Xinjiang, while the little that has been written on representations of Uyghur identity in nationally distributed media and culture suggests that Uyghurs are still completely marginalized and voiceless. This article challenges this view by shifting the focus to Uyghurs who migrated to Beijing and by showing that they have been able to achieve an independent public voice that extends not only beyond Xinjiang but also beyond China. The article explores the role that Uyghur artists and entrepreneurs, and Xinjiang restaurants in Beijing play in challenging the orthodox representations of Uyghur identity in China and argues that although there are only a few thousand Uyghurs in the city they play a significant role in the negotiation of Uyghur identity, representation and nationalism. The article also challenges the widely held view that internal migrants in China are silent and politically powerless.


The Forum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Bateman

AbstractThere are few advanced democracies that simultaneously make voting as easy and as difficult as the US. This essay outlines some of the recent changes in voting rights and election law, with a particular attention to the causes and consequences of restrictive changes. I argue that both historically and today this pattern has been driven by strategic partisan calculation, which in the American context almost necessarily results in patterns of access and exclusion that fall sharply on lines of race, class, and civic status. The recent skirmishes in the “voting wars” are a continuation of this historical dynamic, enabled by the unique institutional context in which American elections take place, in which parties retain control over the parameters and administration of a highly fragmented electoral system. So long as this remains the case, and so long as there are relatively few institutions capable of checking the incentive to engage in partisan manipulation, the “voting wars” will continue and are likely even to intensify.


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