Press and Political Liberalization in Taiwan

1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kuldip R. Rampal

The political reforms set into motion after the lifting of the thirty-eight-year-long martial law in 1987 in Taiwan have breathed a new life into the island's press. This article explores the factors contributing to the emergence of political pluralism and the status of press freedom in Taiwan. Based on field research, the article notes that Confucian humanism, socioeconomic progress, and communication revolution have facilitated the democratization process and, therefore, freedom of the press. As a result, Taiwan now has a vibrant press, but further improvements are needed in press law and media ownership patterns to secure a stronger framework for press freedom.

2019 ◽  
pp. 228-249
Author(s):  
Floribert Patrick C. Endong

Since the 1990s, Black African states have been subjected to endogenous and exogenous political pressures which have compelled them to variously adopt a number of pro-democracy reforms. Though lauded in a number of quarters, these sweeping political reforms have merely been on paper. This is so as, cardinal democracy indexes such as freedom of expression, press freedom, freedom of thought and political pluralism among others, have remained more a myth than a reality in these countries. Using a comparative analysis of the political situation in Cameroon and Nigeria, this chapter argues that press freedom and liberal democracy are still mere ideals, not yet backed by evidential political will in both countries. The same multifaceted abuses of the press still prevail in the two states. This chapter however, underscores the vibrancy and political maturity of the Nigerian press which differentiate it from its counterparts in other African countries, notably in Cameroon.


Author(s):  
Floribert Patrick C. Endong

Since the 1990s, Black African states have been subjected to endogenous and exogenous political pressures which have compelled them to variously adopt a number of pro-democracy reforms. Though lauded in a number of quarters, these sweeping political reforms have merely been on paper. This is so as, cardinal democracy indexes such as freedom of expression, press freedom, freedom of thought and political pluralism among others, have remained more a myth than a reality in these countries. Using a comparative analysis of the political situation in Cameroon and Nigeria, this chapter argues that press freedom and liberal democracy are still mere ideals, not yet backed by evidential political will in both countries. The same multifaceted abuses of the press still prevail in the two states. This chapter however, underscores the vibrancy and political maturity of the Nigerian press which differentiate it from its counterparts in other African countries, notably in Cameroon.


2020 ◽  
pp. 606-618
Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (56) ◽  
pp. 123-150
Author(s):  
Emilia Bamwenda

In the early 1990s, political changes in Tanzania led to political liberalization and the reintroduction of formal democratic institutional structures. Political pluralism was established under the control of the ruling party of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), which gave it the opportunity to maintain state power, stability within the party and to establish limitations in terms of systemic changes. However, the party’s hegemony was shaken during the last presidential election, where only a slight majority (58%) was won by CCM’s candidate John P. Magufuli. From the moment of taking office as President, he began to implement his electoral postulates. In 2016, Magufuli was appointed the world’s best president by United National Economic and Social Council for tightening and reducing public sector spending. There is no doubt that during the two and a half years of rule, Magufuli introduced significant changes in the governance structures and lives of Tanzanian people. However, his recent methods of governing the state seem to ignore basic human rights, women’s rights, freedom of speech and the press, the independence of courts and respect for the multi-party system in the country.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 92-107
Author(s):  
Jacek Ziółkowski

Enemy in political narrations of manichaean antagonismThe text is an attempt to draw the reader attention to the importance of mechanisms and potential effects of political narrations of Manichaean antagonism. The author assesses that these type of narrations, par­ticularly when they grow to the status of the official political propaganda, constitute the significant threat to liberal democracy. An axiological antagonism is determining the creation of a state of political war, makes impossible the dialogue and the cooperation between political groups. The rival is taken as the enemy, and political arche is an aspiration to destroy him. Such a scheme is a great challenge for the political pluralism. Antagonistic narrations, especially marked with Gnostic and Manichaean elements most often apply ma­nipulative reductions in complex reality, relying on such public instructions as: low political competence, mistrust, authoritarian and paranoid tendencies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. p20
Author(s):  
Chinedu C. Odoemelam ◽  
Uche V. Ebeze ◽  
Okorom E. Morgan ◽  
Daniel N. Okwudiogor

This study is situated within the normative theoretical framework, which focuses on the press in nations where the press is expected to assume the coloration of the political milieu within which it finds itself. The British colonial masters discovered the power of the press in the early 16th century and devised numerous schemes to restrict publication. Such policies were extended to her majesty’s colonies; for instance, the law of sedition in Nigeria. Freedom of the press is a right but it is a right that has been won only through many hard-fought legal battles like the one fought by John Peter Zenger in the seditious trial of 1735. There were several such trials for sedition in the colonies, and despite the acquittal of John Peter Zenger, the British colonial government went ahead to adopt such laws in her colonial territories. This was exemplified in the seditious offence ordinance that was in force in 1909 in Southern Nigeria. This study adopts the historical, legal research and critical paradigm technique to examine how the law of sedition has fared in inhibiting press freedom in Nigeria since 1914. The study provides an understanding of how colonial influence may affect laws regulating how the media function in independent States.


Author(s):  
Ibitayo Samuel Popoola

This probing thesis in this study is on how the political class in colonial and post-colonial Nigeria established, maintained, improved and controls the machinery of the state through the press. While establishing media ownership and unequal media access as key factors responsible for the emergence of the political class, the study similarly discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised or packaged by the press. Robert C. North (1967:301) says “politics could not exist without communication, nor could wars be fought.” The media are also the playing field on which politics occurs” (Perloff 2014:37). They are also the strategic routes through which aspiring politicians must travel during elections. Through a case study method of analysis, this study discovered that the political class emerged because they were read, advertised, and publicized by the press. For this reason, the political class regarded the press as partners in progress.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Forbes

When Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law in 1972, press freedom became the first casualty in the country that once boasted of being the ‘freest in Asia’. Printing presses, newspaper offices, television and radio stations were raided and padlocked. Marcos was especially fearful of the press and ordered the arrest of journalists whom he charged with conspiring with the ‘Left’. Pressured into lifting martial law after nearly 10 years, Marcos continued to censor the media, often demanding publishers to sack journalists whose writing he disapproved of. Ironically, he used the same ‘subversive writings’ as proof to Western observers that freedom of the press was alive and well under his dictatorship. This article looks at the writings of three female journalists from the Bulletin Today. The author examines the work of Arlene Babst, Ninez Cacho-Olivares, and Melinda de Jesus and how they traversed the dictator’s fickle, sometimes volatile, reception of their writing. Interviewed is Ninez Cacho-Olivare, who used humour and fairy tales in her popular column to criticise Marcos, his wife, Imelda, and even the military that would occasionally ‘invite’ her for questioning. She explains an unwritten code of conduct between Marcos and female journalists that served to shield them from total political repression.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Modu Alh. Bukar Bukar ◽  
Mohammed Kaka ◽  
Mai Dunoma Zannah

The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


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