scholarly journals Wróg w politycznych narracjach antagonizmu manichejskiego

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 92-107
Author(s):  
Jacek Ziółkowski
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Political Groups

Enemy in political narrations of manichaean antagonismThe text is an attempt to draw the reader attention to the importance of mechanisms and potential effects of political narrations of Manichaean antagonism. The author assesses that these type of narrations, par­ticularly when they grow to the status of the official political propaganda, constitute the significant threat to liberal democracy. An axiological antagonism is determining the creation of a state of political war, makes impossible the dialogue and the cooperation between political groups. The rival is taken as the enemy, and political arche is an aspiration to destroy him. Such a scheme is a great challenge for the political pluralism. Antagonistic narrations, especially marked with Gnostic and Manichaean elements most often apply ma­nipulative reductions in complex reality, relying on such public instructions as: low political competence, mistrust, authoritarian and paranoid tendencies.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

scholarly journals Democracy: Between the essentially contested concept and the agonistic practice: Connolly, Mouffe, Tully

2010 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-87
Author(s):  
Michal Sladecek
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Pluralism ◽  
William Connolly ◽  
The Status ◽  
Specific Interpretation ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Essentially Contested Concept

The text considers points of view of theoreticians of the radical pluralism (democracy): Connolly (William Connolly), Mouffe (Chantal Mouffe) and Tully (James Tully) with regard to the status and the nature of concepts in the political discourse, as well as the consequences of these conceptual presumptions to understanding democracy. The three authors emphasize the essential contestability of political concepts, the paradox of liberal democracy and the need to revise standard rational consensus theories of democracy. Also, the three authors take over the specific interpretation of Vittgenstein to the direction of political theory the centre of which consists of everyday contingent practices of politics as well as dissent about their assessment. The text analyzes the extent to which this reading is compatible to Wittgenstein's position. The author defends the opinion that the essential contestability does not imply agonism and denial of the significance of rules and tries to indicate to the points of illegitimate transition from antiessentialism to unconsensus rules. Also, the text underlines the flaws of dissent conception of democracy and social integration.

Media Regulation and Freedom of Expression in Black Africa

2019 ◽  
pp. 228-249
Author(s):  
Floribert Patrick C. Endong
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Black African ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Black Africa ◽  
The Press

Since the 1990s, Black African states have been subjected to endogenous and exogenous political pressures which have compelled them to variously adopt a number of pro-democracy reforms. Though lauded in a number of quarters, these sweeping political reforms have merely been on paper. This is so as, cardinal democracy indexes such as freedom of expression, press freedom, freedom of thought and political pluralism among others, have remained more a myth than a reality in these countries. Using a comparative analysis of the political situation in Cameroon and Nigeria, this chapter argues that press freedom and liberal democracy are still mere ideals, not yet backed by evidential political will in both countries. The same multifaceted abuses of the press still prevail in the two states. This chapter however, underscores the vibrancy and political maturity of the Nigerian press which differentiate it from its counterparts in other African countries, notably in Cameroon.

scholarly journals KRISIS POLITIK DI KALIMANTAN BARAT 1950: SUATU PROSES MENUJU INTEGRASI KE DALAM REPUBLIK INDONESIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 225
Author(s):  
Mohammad Rikaz Prabowo ◽  
Aman Aman
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Committee ◽  
The West ◽  
West Kalimantan ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
General Strike ◽  
Special Region

This event was based on the background of competition between political groups after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty on December 27, 1949, namely the pro-integration groups into the Republik of Indonesia through the West Kalimantan National Committee (KNKB), with those who wanted to maintain the status of the Special Region of West Kalimantan (DIKB) within the framework of a systemized Federal RIS. This competition resulted in a political crisis that affected the entire province. The republicans in the KNKB demanden the DIKB Government that West Kalimantan be part of the Republic of Indonesia. This desire was responded coldly, even though the DIKB figures rejected the entry of the TNI. This sparked demonstration that led to the arrest of republicans and a general strike which resulted in a political crisis. The political crisis subsided after the arrival of the RIS and DPR-RIS Commissioners. The arrest of Sultan Hamid II on April 5 1950 paralyzed DIKB and accelerated joining the Republic of Indonesia.

Press and Political Liberalization in Taiwan

1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kuldip R. Rampal
Keyword(s):  
Field Research ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Ownership ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Status ◽  
Ownership Patterns

The political reforms set into motion after the lifting of the thirty-eight-year-long martial law in 1987 in Taiwan have breathed a new life into the island's press. This article explores the factors contributing to the emergence of political pluralism and the status of press freedom in Taiwan. Based on field research, the article notes that Confucian humanism, socioeconomic progress, and communication revolution have facilitated the democratization process and, therefore, freedom of the press. As a result, Taiwan now has a vibrant press, but further improvements are needed in press law and media ownership patterns to secure a stronger framework for press freedom.

Politics’s genealogy: a theoretical approach

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Orges Zani
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Small Enterprise ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Problems ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Public Speakers ◽  
The City ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
The Ideal

This article will analyse the alienation that politics has suffered since its creation. The analytical model, based on not only in the ideal type of the Greek Polis but also in the appearance of rhetoric within this public sphere, in the creation of small economical medieval groups (The Gilds in Italy) and in the creation of military and political groups (The Gulfs and Ghibellines in France) and later on in the creation of the political groups (The Whigs and the Tories in England) will reflect the limits of Politics (of Polis) as a public sphere, in which citizens should actively participate in discussing and solving common problems, through the rhetorical participation of public speakers in the Polis and the expansion of the private sphere in creating this small enterprise, political-military and political groups. It emphasises the necessity to understand and assess the city as a space where all citizens have the chance to participate in the decision making and in solving their problems.

Media Regulation and Freedom of Expression in Black Africa

2017 ◽  
pp. 281-302
Author(s):  
Floribert Patrick C. Endong
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Black African ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Black Africa ◽  
The Press

Since the 1990s, Black African states have been subjected to endogenous and exogenous political pressures which have compelled them to variously adopt a number of pro-democracy reforms. Though lauded in a number of quarters, these sweeping political reforms have merely been on paper. This is so as, cardinal democracy indexes such as freedom of expression, press freedom, freedom of thought and political pluralism among others, have remained more a myth than a reality in these countries. Using a comparative analysis of the political situation in Cameroon and Nigeria, this chapter argues that press freedom and liberal democracy are still mere ideals, not yet backed by evidential political will in both countries. The same multifaceted abuses of the press still prevail in the two states. This chapter however, underscores the vibrancy and political maturity of the Nigerian press which differentiate it from its counterparts in other African countries, notably in Cameroon.

scholarly journals „Keine Angst, ruski Soldat charascho!“ Ungarndeutsche Literatur zwischen politischer Propaganda und Widerstand 1974–1989/90

2019 ◽  
Vol 144 ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Gábor Kerekes
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Looking Back

Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, auf welche Weise in der ungarndeutschen Literatur zwischen 1974 und 1989/90 Elemente der staatlichen politischen Propaganda sowie des Widerstandes gegen die bestehenden Verhältnisse erschienen. Bei eingehender Betrachtung wird klar, dass sich die ungarndeutsche Literatur zwar weitgehend von der Politik ferngehalten hat, es jedoch durchaus Beispiele für beide Grundpositionen gibt, wobei diese beiden schon zur Zeit des Neubeginns der ungarndeutschen Literatur in den 1970er Jahren vorhanden waren. Rückblickend lässt sich allerdings konstatieren, dass die politische Zensur ihre Hauptaufgabe, nämlich die Verhinderung des Entstehens politisch unliebsamer Werke, mit großer Effektivität verwirklicht hat.“Keine Angst, ruski Soldat charascho!” The literature of Germans in Hungary between political propaganda and resistance 1974–1989/90The study deals with the question, how in the years between 1974–1989/90 elements of political propaganda and – on the other hand – of resistance in the literature of the germans in hungary occured. This literature tried to avoid political themes as goog as possible, but there are examples for both tendencies in it, which can be find even at the time of the rebirth of the literature of the germans in Hungary in the 1970ies. Looking back one can assume, that the political censorship in this era fulfilled its task in a very effective way: the prevention of the creation of politically critcal works.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

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