scholarly journals Roleplay, realpolitik and ‘great powerness’: the logical distinction between survival and social performance in grand strategy

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406612110487
Author(s):  
David Blagden

States exist in an anarchic international system in which survival is the necessary precursor to fulfilling all of their citizens’ other interests. Yet states’ inhabitants – and the policymakers they empower – also hold social ideas about other ends that the state should value and how it should pursue them: the ‘role’ they expect their state to ‘play’ in international politics. Furthermore, such role-performative impulses can motivate external behaviours inimical to security-maximization – and thus to the state survival necessary for future interest-fulfilment. This article therefore investigates the tensions between roleplay and realpolitik in grand strategy. It does so through interrogation of four mutual incompatibilities in role-performative and realpolitikal understandings of ‘Great Powerness’, a core – but conceptually contested – international-systemic ordering unit, thereby demonstrating their necessary logical distinctiveness. The argument is illustrated with brief case studies on the United States, China, France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Japan. Identification of such security-imperilling role motives thus buttresses neoclassical realist theory; specifically, as an account of strategic deviation from the security-maximizing realist baseline. Such conclusions carry important implications for both scholarship and statecraft, meanwhile. For once we recognize that roleplay and realpolitik are necessarily distinct incentive structures, role motives’ advocates can no longer claim that discharging such performative social preferences necessarily bolsters survival prospects too.

2017 ◽  
Vol 98 (6) ◽  
pp. 72-73
Author(s):  
Maria Ferguson

Seismic shifts in both the United States and the United Kingdom during the 2016 elections have introduced changes in the education space as well. Worries about jobs, immigration, and shifting demographics underlie policy proposals in both countries. Where the U.S. is trying to drive change to the state and local level, however, Britain is moving toward centralization.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 112 (Supplement_3) ◽  
pp. 725-726
Author(s):  
David Gordon

The Issue. A major independent inquiry into inequalities in health—and policies that would reduce them—was published in December 1998.1 It identified >40 recommendations designed to reduce inequalities in health. Lifting children out of poverty is among the most important strategies to improve child health. If we want to change policies on health and poverty, then we have to consider the broad political context within which our health systems work. In the United Kingdom, we have a welfare state that sends checks and cash income to 85% of households every month. Many people pay into the welfare state, many people get money back, and everybody receives services.2 In the United States, the situation is different. There, many people pay into the state, but only the poor and corporations actually receive a check. I leave you to decide who gets the most out of these respective systems. We also have fundamental differences in our health systems. In the United Kingdom, 97% of expenditures on health are made by the state; there is virtually no private spending. In the United States, only 44% of health expenditures are made by the state. The limited amount of private health expenditures in the United Kingdom will be reduced further as the National Health Service provides more dentistry in the future. In terms of the amount of resources, the United States spends 14% of its gross domestic product on health, compared with 6% in the United Kingdom. The United States spent $3700 per person on health care in 1997. In the United Kingdom, we spent less than one third of that.


Author(s):  
Jakub J. Grygiel ◽  
A. Wess Mitchell

This chapter assesses the benefits of frontier alliances for the United States both historically and today. The most important benefit that the United States derives from alliances is through their use as tools of geopolitical management that enhance its ability to compete against other states. For the United States as a maritime power of global reach, using forward-deployed alliances in the rimlands of Eurasia is a cost-effective tool for managing the international system that is preferable to the strategic alternatives now being presented for U.S. foreign policy. From this emerges the main imperative of U.S. grand strategy: to prevent the emergence of a power or combination of powers within the Eurasian landmass that could invade or economically dominate the United States. America has three basic options for how it does so: direct containment, retreat and reentry, and alliances.


Author(s):  
Lisa L. Miller

This chapter argues that the literature on the politics of punishment generally, and on US exceptionalism specifically, suffers from insufficient attention to serious violence. It complicates conventional assumptions about democratic politics, mass publics, and crime. Drawing on three cases—the United Kingdom, the United States, and the state of Pennsylvania—this chapter illustrates that rates of violence matter for political attention to crime. It also shows that the politicization of crime does not always lead to a singular focus on punishment and that this politicization in the United States is shaped by both high rates of violence and distinctive institutional dynamics that decouple crime from related social and economic insecurities. The consequence is an (exceptional) political process in the United States that makes it difficult for the polity to make the state pay for high rates of violence and the criminogenic conditions that give rise to them.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Dowding ◽  
Andrew Hindmoor ◽  
Aaron Martin

AbstractThe Policy Agendas Project (PAP) was developed in the United States in the early 1990s as a means of collecting data on the contents of the policy agenda. The PAP coding method has subsequently been employed in the United Kingdom, a number of European countries, Canada, Israel, New Zealand, as well as the state of Pennsylvania (http://www.comparativeagendas.org/). What does PAP measure? How does it measure it? What does it find? How does it explain what it finds? We use these questions to structure our review.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agung Yudhistira Nugroho ◽  
Wіntа Br Pаndіа

ABSTRACT            The statement of nUnited States President Donald Trump "You Say Asia-Pacific, I Say Indo-Pacific" suggests for changes in the geopolitical concentration of the United States in Asia to increase influence in the region. The progressive steps taken by America are contained in the concept of "free open Indo-Pacific" which involves several countries in Asia as the US grand strategy. The presence of the United States alliance or the designation in the Indo-Pacific, namely The Quad emphasized the seriousness of the United States in working on the Indo-Pacific concept. The Indo-Pacific which is promoted by the United States aims to stem the influence of China domination after the United States' exit in the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) cooperation forum. America needs a new 'container' to be able to increase its influence in the Asian region and the Indo-Pacific concept is the answer. The Indo-Pacific United States which promotes cooperation and investment is prepared as the main strategy using the concepts of geopolitics and geoeconomics. The United States in the Indo-Pacific again reaffirmed the existence of hegemonic power coupled with moving the quad as an additional strength of the United States in the region. Opportunities and challenges will be faced by the United States in implementing this strategy, as well as countries that are members of the quad, it cannot be denied that the interests to be achieved in the future will be different. In addition to the anarchic international system, there is the term that there is no "eternal friend", but eternal importance. Keywords: Indo-Pacific, Strategy, United States, Hegemony, Investment, Cooperation AbstrakPernyataan Presiden Amerika Serikat Donald Trump “You Say Asia-Pasifik, I Say Indo-Pacific” mengisyaratkan bagi perubahan konsentrasi geopolitik Amerika Serikat di Asia untuk meningkatkan pengaruh di kawasan. Langkah progesif yang ditempuh Amerika tertuang dalam konsep “free open Indo-Pacific” yang melibatkan beberapa negara di Asia sebagai grand strategy AS. Hadirnya negara aliansi Amerika Serikat atau sebutan dalam Indo-Pasifik, yaitu The Quad menegaskan keseriusan Amerika Serikat dalam menggarap konsep Indo-Pasifik. Indo-Pasifik yang diusung oleh Amerika Serikat bertujuan untuk membendung pengaruh dominasi Tiongkok setelah keluarnya Amerika Serikat dalam forum kerja sama Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). Amerika membutuhkan ‘wadah’ baru untuk dapat kembali meningkatkan pengaruhnya di kawasan Asia dan konsep Indo-Pasifik adalah jawabannya. Indo-Pasifik Amerika Serikat yang mengedepankan kerja sama dan investasi disusun sebagai strategi utama dengan menggunakan konsep geopolitik dan geoekonomi. Amerika Serikat dalam Indo-Pasifik kembali  menegaskan eksistensi sebagai kekuatan hegemon dibarengi dengan menggerakkan the quad sebagai kekuatan tambahan Amerika Serikat di kawasan. Peluang dan tantangan akan banyak dihadapi oleh Amerika Serikat dalam melaksanakan strategi tersebut, seperti halnya negara-negara yang tergabung dalam the quad, tidak dapat dibantah bahwasanya kepentingan yang ingin dicapai kedepannya akan berbeda. Di tambah dalam sistem internasional yang anarki ada istilah tidak ada “teman abadi”, melainkan kepentingan selamanya yang abadi. Kata Kunci: Indo-Pasifik, Strategi, Amerika Serikat, Hegemoni, Investasi, Kerja sama 


Author(s):  
V. N. Chernega

The article considers the state of the modern international system, in connection with which are disputed the affirmations concerning its multipolarity or the already emerging bipolarity, embodied by the United States and China. Neither the first nor the second definition is based on the concept of “pole”, as it was formed during the years of opposition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The current situation can rather be described as a “geopolitical disorder”. Traditional and emerging powers are fighting for a higher place in the new hierarchy, forging new alliances, often opportunistic, that predetermines the volatility and instability of the system. For States that are inferior in total national power to the United States or China, particularly for Russia, this creates new opportunities, especially in the framework of multilateral diplomacy. At the same time Russia, due to its economic weakness and the threat of a general technological backwardness, risks losing its status of power or, at least, being seriously squeezed by competitors. Hence the need for it to moderate its ambitions as a power and concentrate on implementing reforms aimed at modernizing the economy. The predicted decrease for some time in the resources of the state, due to this, will also require to adapt its foreign policy priorities and to focus on vital national interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amaia Del Campo ◽  
Marisalva Fávero

Abstract. During the last decades, several studies have been conducted on the effectiveness of sexual abuse prevention programs implemented in different countries. In this article, we present a review of 70 studies (1981–2017) evaluating prevention programs, conducted mostly in the United States and Canada, although with a considerable presence also in other countries, such as New Zealand and the United Kingdom. The results of these studies, in general, are very promising and encourage us to continue this type of intervention, almost unanimously confirming its effectiveness. Prevention programs encourage children and adolescents to report the abuse experienced and they may help to reduce the trauma of sexual abuse if there are victims among the participants. We also found that some evaluations have not considered the possible negative effects of this type of programs in the event that they are applied inappropriately. Finally, we present some methodological considerations as critical analysis to this type of evaluations.


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