scholarly journals Interpreting toxic masculinity in political parties: A framework for analysis

2019 ◽  
pp. 135406881988759 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Daddow ◽  
Isabelle Hertner

The term ‘toxic masculinity’ (TM) was coined in the 1990s by sociologists and psychologists. It has since been appropriated by scholars and commentators interested in gendered behaviours, policies and outcomes in politics. However, despite the attention belatedly being paid to masculinities as part of that research, the analysis of, specifically, TM’s part in shaping political practices remains underdeveloped. This article proposes a move in this direction by designing a conceptual framework for exploring TM inside political parties. We adapt findings from the original TM literature to generate a series of indicators of TM spanning the vital realms of party political activity: its policy positions, accompanying discourse and the formal and informal practices – often behind the scenes – that express the party’s values broader ethos and outlook. We then test the framework using a paired comparison of two parties of the populist right where we might expect to see relatively high levels of TM: the Alternative for Germany and the UK Independence Party. Our empirical findings give us confidence that drawing on the concept of TM can provide us with novel insights into the interplay between masculinity and political party cultures. We also hope that it will inspire a significant body of new research into TM in political parties from across the party spectrum as well as globally.

Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Udiyo Basuki

In a democratic country the relationship between the state and the people must be a reflection of a mutualistic symbiosis. This means that these relationships must be mutually dependent and mutually beneficial. This relationship will be evident when the political system developed by a country provides sufficient space for political activities in the community. This space for political activity will give color to democratic life in a country. The principle of democracy and people's sovereignty requires people's participation in the life of the state administration. People or citizens are not only objects, but subjects and play an important role in the life of the state. For this reason, the existence of a representative institution is an absolute that must be fulfilled in a democratic country with people's sovereignty. According to modern democracy, political parties, general elections and representative institutions are three institutions that cannot be separated from one another. That every political party will always strive to gain large popular support during general elections so that the representative institution can be dominated by the political party concerned.Keywords: political parties, general elections, democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-172
Author(s):  
Elise Uberoi

Abstract The UK House of Commons has adopted new ways of working in response to the pandemic. These include hybrid proceedings, where some mp s appear in the Chamber and others dial-in remotely, and proxy voting, where mp s can nominate a colleague to vote on their behalf. This article looks at these two new practices to see if there are any differences in their take up by mp s from different political parties, genders and regions. The article shows that there were differences between these groups of mp s and suggests that political party appears the most important factor in explaining these.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Wazni '

This study describes that how women legislative candidates were recruited by political parties atPekanbaru City in General Election 2009. The Democratic Party, The Indonesian Democratic Party –Struggle and The Prosperous Justice Party become cases study. Firstly, The Democratic Party usedinternal mechanism by local patronage type. On other hand, The Indonesia Democratic Party – Struggleused internal mechanism by central patronage type. However, both are an ascriptive style recruitment. Inaddition, The Prosperous Justice Party used internal mechanism by local bureaucratic. But, this style isan achievement oriented recruitment. Finally, in according to Kingsley that political party can consider 7points for recruitment. Namely, social background, political socialization, initial political activity,apprenticenship, occupational variables, motivation dan selection.Key words: political recruitment, women legislative candidates and political party.


Author(s):  
Alexa Bankert

Partisanship is omnipresent in American politics. Even in European multiparty systems and emerging democracies in Africa, attachments to political parties form easily, enduringly, and almost instantly. Given its potent role in impacting citizens’ political attitudes and behavior, it is no surprise that political scientists have dedicated a tremendous amount of effort and time to examining the origins, conceptualization, and measurement of partisanship. Yet important questions remain: Is partisanship purely psychological, or is it grounded in strong political attitudes and ideologies? Is partisanship influenced by political preferences, or does partisanship influence political preferences? And how does partisanship influence attitudes toward the out-party? This bibliography will introduce readings that address these questions. At the same time, this entry will go beyond the canonical work on positive partisan attachments and introduce the work on negative partisanship—the notion that citizens increasingly feel lukewarm about their own party and primarily define themselves by which political party they do not belong to. The reader can utilize this overview to identify new research avenues.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


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