scholarly journals ‘Sacrifical lambs’ or candidate mimicking? Gender-based nomination strategies in elections

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882199823
Author(s):  
Ferran Martínez i Coma ◽  
Ignacio Lago

This paper explores an alternative mechanism for understanding the drivers of the nomination of women for elective office in single-member electoral systems. Previous research has generally examined two sources of gender-based politics: party ideology, with leftist parties being more female-friendly than rightist parties, and the strategic nomination of candidates depending on whether the party is expected to win or lose in the district, with women more likely to be used as ‘sacrificial lambs’ in hopeless contests. We argue that the nomination of male and female candidates across districts reflects an interdependence of party strategies – in particular, the actions of the main opposition party. We hypothesise that when the trailing party is not committed to gender equality, its equilibrium strategy in a given district is the nomination of a candidate of the same gender as that of the front-running party. Secondary data from 1,017 single-member Australian districts and more than 2,000 candidates from 2001–2019 confirm our hypothesis.

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (III) ◽  
pp. 22-36
Author(s):  
Minahil Nawaz ◽  
Atif Bilal Aslam ◽  
Fariha Tariq

Like many other developing nations, Pakistan is also facing a gender gap in its socio-cultural spheres. Since independence, many programs and policies have been made in public and private sector domains to eradicate these gender disparities. This paper aims to evaluate these programs and policies by encountering their salient features and how far these programs and policies proved to be fruitful in bridging this gap. The evaluation is done majorly through a desk review of the secondary data drawn from reports published by different government and local organizations. Mainly, the qualitative methods of content and thematic analyses were employed for exploring the gender-based disparities, and how these are affecting the pace of development in Pakistan. Moreover, an assessment of strategies and policies addressing the problem of the gender gap has also been done. Based on the study findings, this paper presents some policy recommendations to reduce gender base disparities which is one of the many prerequisites for the promotion of sustainable development agenda as gender equality is the 5th goal of the United Nations sustainable development agenda.


2019 ◽  
pp. 014920631988742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice B. Klein ◽  
Pierre Chaigneau ◽  
Cynthia E. Devers

We theorize that female candidates considering CEO roles will perceive greater termination vulnerability in such roles than their male counterparts. We further theorize that indicators of recent organizational distress will exacerbate female CEO candidates’ perceptions of termination vulnerability, while the presence of female leaders will mitigate these concerns. To test our arguments, we examine the initial values of newly appointed female and male CEOs’ severance agreements from 2007 to 2014. Results support our arguments and begin to shed light on the factors that influence female executives’ concerns about CEO roles and ultimately firms’ ability to appoint female CEOs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Doaa Salman Abdou

The purpose of this paper is to examine the gender-based discrimination in car insurance rates and whether the reasons provided by the car insurance companies for the different rates are valid or not. The paper studies the average annual premiums paid by men and women across different age groups from 16 years old to over 56 years old along with the percentage differences. Additionally, the concept of big data and how it is utilized by businesses to apply personalize price discrimination is investigated. The research design is conclusive and secondary data is used in both qualitative and quantitative forms. Qualitative data is collected from articles for the literature review and as for the quantitative data it is in the form of reports and surveys. The data shows that at lower age groups women pay less than men for car insurance but as the age increase men start paying less. The paper reaches a conclusion that gender is not necessarily a crucial risk-factor as the regular factors such as driving record can provided accurate risk determinants. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Guno Tri Tjahjoko

This study aims to describe the efforts of female candidates to break the practice of money politics and the influence of shamans in the 2018 Sriharjo subdistrict election (pilkades). The author used qualitative methods with a case study of the Sriharjo village-head election in Bantul Regency. The author collected primary data through interviews, in-depth group discussions, and observations. Secondary data were collected through a literature review, online articles, photos, and video studies of the pilkades process. The findings of this study show the practice of money politics carried out by “snipers,” whose job is to distribute envelopes containing money from house to house from night to dawn one day prior to election day. In addition, candidates also provide assistance and facilities to the community to get their votes. The success team also uses the services of shamans by spreading flowers in certain areas with the aim of spiritually binding people so as not to vote for other candidates. Responding to the competitor’s strategy, the female candidate employed the politics of conscience to empower the community, monitored the snipers of other candidates, built networks, and broke the spiritual powers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-139
Author(s):  
Md. Abu Shahen

This study tried to explore the current nature of gender-based violence and harassment in Bangladesh. Specifically, gender-related harassment and discrimination with violence against women and children have been explored throughout the study. However, the study is based on secondary data collected from gender-focused scholars and organizations. The data of ASK and BSAF have been used for critical analysis regarding violence, harassment, and discrimination against women and children in Bangladesh. As findings, the study found that the prevalence of domestic violence and oppression against wife and housemate including cleaner, housekeeping, and cooker have existed in the forms of torture, negligence, rape, forced rape, physical assault, and sexual assault. The study also found that women and girls are being harassed in transportation as they feel unsecured in movement through abusive and negative attitudes and behavior such as touching, closely standing, intentionally pushing, and gripping in shoulders, bad beckon and comment, and touching in the sensitive part of the body. It is also seen that the business environment is not favorable for women Entrepreneurs due to constraints social and cultural attitudes, lack of political commitment, and insufficient governmental provisions for establishing a women-friendly business environment.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Ardian ◽  
Asmin Asmin ◽  
Zul Amry

This study aims to determine how the effect of problem-based learning models and gender on students' mathematical communication skills. By using data sources, namely primary data sources and secondary data, the primary data sources in this study were data that contained the research title, and secondary data in this study were supporting books related to the research title. The method used is the literature study. The results of this study indicate that the problem-based learning model has an influence on mathematical communication because each step in learning can support the development of students 'mathematical communication skills, the gender-based learning model has an influence on students' mathematical communication skills , but between female and male students different abilities.


1984 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 56-64
Author(s):  
Deb Hilliard

Following the 1982 elections women held 13 percent of the state legislative seats nationwide, and the figure for Arkansas stood at 5.2 percent. In fact, only four states currently have a lower percentage of women serving in their state legislatures. The question, "Why so few?" opens a Pandora's Box of possible explanations for the markedly low percentage of female members of the Arkansas Legislature. However, recent studies exploring the entrance of women into elective office tend to focus either on the self-perceptions of the involved elites of this group, on societal and political support or opposition arising from traditional sociopolitical constraints, or on sheer numbers of female candidates and their success rates relative to their male counterparts. Because political scientists have only recently begun to devote serious attention to the area, there exists only a modest literature exploring campaign strategy and voter choice where a female candidate enters competition. To date, discussions of mass public attitudes toward political women, as well as the candidates' own self-images, have neglected the relationship of the electorate, and the candidates themselves, to the level of financial support given female candidates. Yet, it is generally accepted that female aspirants find it difficult to raise campaign chests which equal or outweigh those of their male opponents, with an additional variation in the sources of financial support (Mandel, 1981: 184-5). This paper is addressed to the gender-based levels of campaign contribution receipts reported in 1982 by candidates for the Arkansas General Assembly, with the intent of ascertaining what pattern, if any, exists in the amounts and sources of legislative campaign contributions received by candidates according to gender.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanita Rugina

Purpose This paper aims to review female entrepreneurship in a (post) transition context, analysing its almost three-decade development in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. Little research has focussed to date on female entrepreneurship in the Baltic countries. Using an institutional perspective, this paper aims to explain the unique interplay of formal and informal contexts that have shaped the development of female entrepreneurship in (post-) transition contexts. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on an institutional reading and analysis of secondary data: statistical data, international reports and previous studies on female entrepreneurs. Findings There are more than 130,000 female entrepreneurs in the Baltic countries who share many common features and challenges. While the formal entrepreneurship environment is considered to be very developed in the Baltic countries, women are under-represented among the population of entrepreneurs, and there is gender-based sectoral segregation of female entrepreneurs in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This indicates a need to recognise the diversity of patterns in entrepreneurial development, reflecting different inheritances from the Soviet past and the inertial character of some informal institutions, not to mention the differences in the pace of change during the transition period following the Soviet era. Practical implications This research can be used for academics, professionals, researchers and policymakers working in the fields of small business and entrepreneurship. Its data can furthermore be used to develop evidence-based policy and actions that would foster the participation of women in entrepreneurship in Baltic countries. Originality/value So far, little research has focussed on female entrepreneurship in the Baltic countries. The paper attempts to investigate that Baltic countries with their history of emphasis on gender equality on one hand and the award-winning business and entrepreneurship system on the other hand demonstrate relatively low levels of women’s entrepreneurship. This paper aims to contribute to the field of entrepreneurship, illustrating how entrepreneurship is linked to its social context.


2009 ◽  
Vol 103 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARGIT TAVITS ◽  
NATALIA LETKI

According to the classic partisan theory of spending, leftist parties are expected to increase government spending, and rightist parties are expected to decrease it. We argue that this relationship does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships. We illustrate this theoretical argument with case studies from Hungary and Poland. We then test and find support for our theory by considering the influence of cabinet ideology on total, health, and education spending in thirteen post-Communist democracies from 1989 to 2004. We explore various alternative explanations and provide further narratives to support our causal argument.


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