scholarly journals Regime legitimation, not nation-building: Media commemoration of the 1917 revolutions in Russia’s neo-authoritarian state

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Precious N Chatterje-Doody ◽  
Vera Tolz
Keyword(s):  
Nation Building ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Global Media ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Aligned Media ◽  
Russian Identity

Scholars predicted that official Russian commemorations of the centenary of the 1917 revolutions would prioritise ‘reconciliation and accord’ between pro- and anti-communists. Such a frame might help construct a new post-Soviet Russian identity. Yet, in 2017, state-affiliated political and media actors gave accounts that contrasted with their previous narratives and with each other. Domestic state-aligned media were unprecedentedly negative about the revolutions’ events and enduring legacies, while Russia’s international broadcaster, Russia Today, emphasised the revolutions’ positive international legacies. We explain this paradox by arguing that regimes of commemoration are directly related to political systems: in neo-authoritarian regimes such as contemporary Russia, history is not used primarily for nation-building, but to build legitimacy for the ruling regime. Referencing similar practices in other neo-authoritarian regimes, we show how state-affiliated actors selectively co-opt interpretations of historical events that circulate in the global media ecology, to ‘arrest’ the ‘memory of the multitude’. Simultaneously, they reinforce core messages that legitimise the existing government.

5. The Consequences of Democracy and Authoritarian Regimes

2019 ◽  
pp. 70-96
Author(s):  
Andrea Kendall-Taylor ◽  
Natasha Lindstaedt ◽  
Erica Frantz
Keyword(s):  
Quality Of Life ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Key Questions

Key themes 72 Regime type and conflict 74 Regime type and terrorism 78 Regime type and economic performance 81 Regime type and quality of life 86 Regime type and corruption 89 Regime type and repression 92 Conclusion 94 Key Questions 94 Further Reading 95 So far we have focused on defining different types of political systems. We discussed how to distinguish democracy from autocracy and the rising prevalence of ...

Authoritarianism as an Institution? The Case of Central Asia

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 1005-1016
Author(s):  
Filippo Costa Buranelli
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
International Society ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
English School ◽  
Norm Diffusion ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Regional Order ◽  
Elite Interviews

Abstract While much of the English School has focused on liberal aspects of solidarism, forms of “illiberal solidarism” in contemporary international society remain underexplored. Drawing on archival material and elite interviews conducted in Central Asia in the period 2013–2019, this paper advances the claim that the Central Asian elites have developed the institution of authoritarianism in their region through the mechanisms of mimicry/emulation and praise/blame. By looking at specific discourses and practices over the last two decades, the paper discusses how the Central Asian governments have been using the new elements of the “democratic transition” in combination with the traditional legitimation offered by diplomatic recognition to secure authoritarian regimes in the democratic age, to create authoritarian state-centric solidarity in the region, and to make “avtoritet” and “stabil'nost'” fundamental pillars of the Central Asian regional order. The paper contributes to the English School literature by providing an initial account of illiberal solidarism and by showing how authoritarianism can potentially be an institution of specific regional international societies; to the authoritarian diffusion literature by demonstrating that authoritarianism can have a deontic component alongside considerations of domestic survival; and to the broader norm diffusion literature by focusing on the spread of illiberal values.

scholarly journals Of lizards and ideological entrepreneurs: Alex Jones and Infowars in the relationship between populist nationalism and the post-global media ecology

2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-59
Author(s):  
H Van den Bulck ◽  
A Hyzen
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Business Model ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Global Media ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
The Relationship

This contribution analyses the nexus between contemporary US populist nationalism and the post-global media ecology through the case of US radio show host and ‘most paranoid man in America’ Alex Jones and his Infowars. It evaluates the role of Alt Right alternative/activist media and global digital platforms in the success of Jones as ideological entrepreneur. To this end, it looks at Jones’ and Infowars' message (mostly Falls Flag conspiracy theories and pseudo-science-meets-popular-culture fantasy), persona as celebrity populist spectacle, business model, political alliances with Alt Right and Trump, audience as diverse mix of believers and ironic spectators and, most of all, media. In particular, we analyse the mix of legacy and social media and their respective role in his rise and alleged downfall. We evaluate Jones’ efforts as effective ideological entrepreneur, pushing his counter-hegemonic ideology from the fringes to the mainstream.

Public opinion, international reputation, and audience costs in an authoritarian regime

2020 ◽  
pp. 073889422090637
Author(s):  
Xiaojun Li ◽  
Dingding Chen
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Chinese Adults ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Audience Costs ◽  
The Public ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Qualitative Evidence ◽  
International Reputation ◽  
Potential Damage

Does the public in authoritarian regimes disapprove of their leaders’ backing down from public threats and commitments? Answers to this question provide a critical micro-foundation for the emerging scholarship on authoritarian audience costs. We investigate this question by implementing a series of survey experiments in China, a single-party authoritarian state. Findings based on responses from 5375 Chinese adults show that empty threats and commitments expose the Chinese government to substantial disapproval from citizens concerned about potential damage to China’s international reputation. Additional qualitative evidence reveals that Chinese citizens are willing to express their discontent of leaders’ foreign policy blunders through various channels. These findings contribute to the ongoing debate over whether and how domestic audiences can make commitments credible in authoritarian states.

Urban Government and Nation Building in East Africa

1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-592
Author(s):  
Richard Vengroff
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Theoretical Orientation ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Public ◽  
Emerging Nations ◽  
Conceptual Clarity ◽  
Micro Level

Recent years have witnessed a rebirth of interest in the study of local government (or local political systems, depending on one's theoretical orientation). This has been especially true among political Scientists seeking to develop new approaches more readily applicable to the political systems of the so-called emerging nations. It has become apparent to an increasing number of research workers that grandiose macro-theory of the Almond variety, while impressive on paper, may be of very little use in the field.1 Thus an attempt is now being made to return to the micro-level in order to gain greater conceptual clarity, and an understanding of behaviour in political situations. Unfortunately much of the new thrust to develop micro-level theory has been hampered by the continuing use of old, and at least partially outdated, tools, or what I have chosen to call (perhaps unjustifiably) ‘the public-administration approach’.

A Zero-Sum Game? Repression and Protest in China

2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yao Li
Keyword(s):  
Original Data ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The State ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Zero Sum ◽  
Popular Contention

Most scholarship on contentious politics in authoritarian regimes focuses on severe repression and transgressive protest (e.g. revolt), suggesting a zero-sum game played by the state and challengers. However, a burgeoning literature suggests that less brutal forms of authoritarian states have emerged in recent decades and that protesters in these countries tend to limit their challenges, avoiding direct confrontation with the authorities. If so, can the notion of the zero-sum game truly capture the nuances and complexities of contentious politics in authoritarian regimes? Taking the case of China, this article offers a systematic analysis of the pattern of repression and protest in a strong authoritarian state. Drawing on an original data set of 1,418 protest events in China, this article shows that the Chinese state permits some (albeit limited) space for protest and that most protesters confine themselves to this space. These findings thus provide quantitative evidence that popular contention in China is featured by a non-zero-sum game. Overall, this study contributes to a more comprehensive and complex understanding of popular contention in authoritarian settings.

Reassessing the Links between Regime Type and Economic Performance: Why Some Authoritarian Regimes Show Stable Growth and Others Do Not

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siddharth Chandra ◽  
Nita Rudra
Keyword(s):  
Economic Performance ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Causal Mechanism ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Decentralized Decision Making ◽  
National Economic ◽  
Stable Growth

This analysis challenges claims that regime type determines national economic performance, and hypothesizes that the level of public deliberation, rather than broad categories of regime type, is the driver of national economic performance across political systems; specifically, that negotiations, disagreements, and compromises between decentralized decision-making partisans (e.g., citizens, business representatives, professional associations, labor, and public administrators) are the underlying causal mechanism explaining the non-monotonic relationship between different types of political system and economic performance. Countries with high levels of public deliberation more often experience stable growth outcomes, while other countries can make radical changes in economic policy with uncertain outcome. The variation in public deliberation within regime type is significant, especially amongst authoritarian regimes. One startling implication is that, in certain situations, impressive gains in economic growth can be achieved only at the expense of active negotiation and participation in the policy-making process.

Rose, Orange, and Tulip: The failed post-Soviet revolutions

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodor Tudoroiu
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Ruling Elites

In 2003–2005, democratic revolutions overthrew the Georgian, Ukrainian, and Kyrgyz post-Soviet authoritarian regimes. However, disillusioned citizens witness today their new leaders creating a Bonapartist regime, entering into open conflict with former revolutionary allies or being forced to accept cohabitation with leaders of the previous regime. This article argues that despite internationally acclaimed civic mobilisation, civil society's weakness seriously affected the three revolutionary processes. These were in fact initiated, led, controlled, and finally subordinated by former members of the authoritarian regimes' political elite. Finally, the supposedly democratic revolutions proved to be little more than a limited rotation of ruling elites within undemocratic political systems.

scholarly journals National Reproduction with (Un)Disciplined Bodies: Women Moving to the Politically Possible in pre-Yugoslavian Societies (Examples from Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia)

2019 ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ivana Hadjievska
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Media Studies ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Cultural Dimension ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Women's Bodies ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
Kingdom Of Yugoslavia ◽  
The Ideal

This paper is about national reproduction relations and the ways they affected women’s bodies in context of women’s accessibility to public and political space in the late 19th century Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia. The end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century embark events and processes of national emancipation for the Balkan peoples. The examples taken here are set in the different states of ‘nationalizing’ and ‘nation-building,’ as well as in different iterations of modernity, with the intention to trace possible patterns and typologies in the relation of national reproduction, in its ethno-cultural dimension, and the opening of new political spaces for women from these different national entities and territories through education, autonomous organizing, charity and anonymous domestic labor. I find the interest and vindication of my intention in the historical events after 1918, when the mentioned territories and nationalities became part of new state – the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Kingdom of Yugoslavia. With that, the state strategies of national reproduction towards women gained new qualities with centralization and ideological unification of the ideal ‘Yugoslav’ woman as its final edifice. Article received: December 15, 2018; Article accepted: January 23, 2019; Published online: April 15, 2019; Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Hadjievska, Ivana: "National Reproduction with (Un)Disciplined Bodies: Women Moving to the Politically Possible in pre-Yugoslavian Societies (Examples from Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia)." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 18 (2019): 17–31. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i18.298

scholarly journals Euro-Atlantic security before and after COVID-19

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Shota Gvineria
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
International System ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Hybrid Warfare ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Corona Virus ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The World ◽  
Before And After

AbstractContemporary global power competition has turned the world into a hybrid battlefield. In modern battlefield, authoritarian regimes have the strategic advantage of being irresponsible, reckless and aggressive. This advantage is combined with the ability of the authoritarian regimes to find cheap and effective - short of war - solutions for achieving geopolitical objectives. In past decades authoritarian regimes such as Russia and China have been actively applying hybrid strategies against the Western dominated rules based international system. Those strategies are being constructed based on identification and utilization of the vulnerabilities of the democratic political systems, institutions and societies. Pandemic crisis caused by unpredictable and unprecedented spread of the mutated new Corona virus, have underlined vulnerabilities and opened up new possibilities for the hybrid warfare. The pandemic influences every power on the global stage, but will COVID-19 be a turning point for the Euro-Atlantic Security environment?

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document