Back of the queue: Brexit, status loss, and the politics of backlash

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Freedman

Status anxiety is not a necessary condition for backlash movements, and yet, both are highly complementary. Across political levels, from the community and state to the international system, status anxiety is often cited as a principal grievance and motivator of backlash politics. This article challenges the basic premise behind this framing by arguing that status loss – as a subset of status anxiety – and backlash politics, are essentially co-constitutive phenomena. Status loss can certainly propel backlash movements to form, but claims of status loss and decline are also uniquely exploitable mechanisms for bringing backlash movements into existence. Rather than treat objective status loss as an obvious cause of backlash movements, then, this article switches the focus to how subjective narratives of status loss are constructed, promoted, retrieved, and contested, in order to either advance, or oppose, the cause of backlash entrepreneurs. Doing so illustrates a primary mechanism of backlash politics, but also a primary mechanism of status loss, challenging dominant intrinsic and material premises on the role of status in international relations. This discussion is illustrated through a focus on Britain’s 2016 referendum on the European Union, and the extent to which both Leave and Remain campaigners elevated the rhetoric of status loss in defence of alternative pasts, presents, and futures.

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Cisłak ◽  
Marta Pyrczak ◽  
Artur Mikiewicz ◽  
Aleksandra Cichocka

In three studies we examine the link between types of national identity and support for leaving the European Union (EU). We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with a willingness to vote Leave, over and above the effect of political orientation. This pattern was observed in a representative Polish sample (Study 1, n = 635), as well as in samples of Polish youth (Study 2, n = 219), and both Polish (n = 73) and British (n = 60) professionals employed in the field of international relations (Study 3). In Studies 2 and 3 this effect was mediated by biased EU membership perceptions. The role of defensive versus secure forms of in-group identification in shaping support for EU membership is discussed.


Author(s):  
Fursa Svitlana Yaroslavivna ◽  
Kukhniuk Dmitriy Vladimirovich ◽  
Bondar Iryna Vadymivna ◽  
Maliarchuk Liubov Sergiivna ◽  
Derii Olena Olexsandrivna

The study discusses the role of the philosophy of law in the process of unifying legal systems through the prism of the principles of the Draft Common Framework of Reference in Europe. The application of the philosophy of law in unification processes is also a necessary condition for the implementation of these processes about human rights and the sovereign interests of the State, which implements the unification of the legal order. Hence, the issue of European integration determines the strategic direction of the state, and this leads to the unification of law. The study aims to identify the role of the philosophy of law in the processes of unifying the legal systems of the European Union and its importance in the use of principles in these processes, justifying the need to use the philosophy of law in any process of transformation. It is concluded that the philosophy of law is a bridge harmonized with the legal sphere of operation of both individual states and supranational associations.


Author(s):  
Christopher Hill ◽  
Michael Smith ◽  
Sophie Vanhoonacker

International Relations and the European Union takes a unique approach by incorporating the study of the EU's world role into the wider field of international relations. The text explains the EU's role in the contemporary world. Beginning with an examination of theoretical frameworks and approaches, the text goes on to address the institutions and processes that surround the EU's international relations. Key policy areas, such as security and trade, are outlined in detail, alongside the EU's relations with specific countries, including the United States, China, India, and Russia. Updates for the third edition include expanded discussions of three key perspectives to provide a rounded picture of the EU's place in the international system: as a sub-system of international relations, as part of the process of international relations, and as a power in its own right.


Author(s):  
Nicole Scicluna

This chapter evaluates global governance and how it relates to international law. It addresses the role of international organizations in processes of global governance, charting their rise from the nineteenth century onwards. Two international organizations exemplify semi-legalized governance beyond the state: the United Nations and the European Union. Sovereign states, of course, continue to play a central role in the institutions, processes, and mechanisms of global governance. The chapter then explores the extent to which a state’s power, influence, and legitimacy are affected by factors such as its domestic political arrangements and its adherence to the liberal, Western values that underpin the postwar order. It also assesses whether the proliferation of legalized and semi-legalized global governance regimes amounts to a constitutionalization of international relations.


Author(s):  
K. Kh. Rekosh

In recent decades, much has been written about the dialogue of cultures and differences between them manifested by languages, which are the objects of interdisciplinary research. However, the active role of multiplicity of languages and their interaction in particular with the relevant areas of knowledge do not always attract the proper attention. Along with many languages, Europe seeks to move away from monolingualism in favor of multilingualism, recognizing that it is promising, so political actors support it. The principles of multilingualism have been adopted in the international (European) and national levels and formalized in terms of plurilingualism and multilingualism. The plurilingualism is the use of multiple languages by one and the same person. It is an integral part of cultural diversity and respect, a necessary condition for human development as a professional and as a person. The multilingualism is denoted by a policy of equality of languages in the community. The European Union is a multilinguistic organization. Language policy of the European Union has been defined since the establishment of the communities, it was different from the language policies of other international organizations and was based on the principle of cultural and linguistic diversity (although the term multilingualism was not used) with the aim of ensuring access to information and justice for all EU citizens in all official EU languages. Held in Europe language policy led to the institutionalization of the concept of multilingualism, particularly by the European union, which could serve to the development of linguistic law. The EU language policy is linked with the objectives of the integration law which makes it different from the plurilingualism. It acts as an instrument for intercultural dialogue and social cohesion, as a guarantee of prosperity and employment opportunities. At the same time it generates a lot of linguo-legal problems concerning different statuses of languages; EU official languages, working, state, regional, national languages, as well as minorities and migrants languages.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 31-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beata Piskorska

The purpose of the article is to try to outline whether the EU is still an attractive actor in international relations, which is conceptualised as a specific soft, normative and the same transformative power and the centre of attraction for states located outside this organisation. The credibility of the European Union on international arena was undermined by global changes taking place in the 21st century, including emergence of new non-European powers, and particularly a series of crises (financial, migration, identity) that have affected the EU recently. In the article the following analysis will be made: the basic components consisting of attractiveness of the EU and evolution of its perception on the international arena, and the main challenges that the EU has to cope with in order to become a significant power again. It is assumed that the European Union certainly lost its attractiveness and prestige as a result of recent transformations that affected it within the system, but also due to the dynamics of the international environment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-305
Author(s):  
Luiz Felipe Brandão Osório

O advento da década de 1990 trouxe ao sistema internacional um cenário de mudanças substanciais, as quais se refletiram fundamentalmente na expansão do direito e das organizações internacionais. Nesse panorama, aprofundaram-se as iniciativas de integração regional, cujo vetor prioritário, o econômico, conheceu um desenvolvimento institucional e normativo inédito. É, no entanto, nos anos 2000, no ápice desse período, que a experiência mais desenvolvida nesses moldes de integração, a União Europeia, entrará em uma espiral de crise sem precedentes. A explicação da contradição entre o aprofundamento formal e o ocaso econômico passará por uma visão materialista das relações internacionais, a qual focará na forma política internacional como elemento nodal para extrapolar a aparência e desnudar os recônditos da essência desse fenômeno social. Por isso, buscar-se-á nas raízes da consolidação do projeto comunitário pós-Maastricht, dentro da nova face do capitalismo, o pós-fordista, a elucidação das fraturas da integração regional em meio ao sistema internacional. É justamente o avanço na arquitetura formal capitalista que gesta a crise das experiências integracionistas mais desenvolvidas, como se comprova na mirada crítica sobre o arranjo comunitário. Palavras-chave: forma política; integração regional; organizações internacionais; União Europeia.     Abstract: The advent of the 1990s brought to the international system a scenario of substantial changes, which were fundamentally reflected in the expansion of law and binternational organizations. Within this panorama, the regional integration initiatives were intensified, whose priority, the economic vector, was an unprecedented institutional and normative development. It is in the 2000s that the most developed experience in these forms of integration, the European Union will enter an unprecedented crisis spiral. The explanation of the contradiction between the formal deepening and the economic decline will pass through a materialist view of international relations, which will focus on the international political form as a nodal element to extrapolate the appearance and undress the essence of this social phenomenon. Therefore, the roots of the consolidation of the post-Maastricht communitarian project will be sought within the new face of capitalism, the post-Fordist, and the elucidation of fractures of regional integration within the international system. It is precisely the advance in the formal capitalist architecture that causes the crisis of the more developed integrationist experiences, as evidenced in the critical look on the communitarian arrangement. Key words: political form; regional integration; international organizations; European Union.     Recebido em: novembro/2016. Aprovado em: setembro/2017.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Francesco Battaglia

Abstract The Libyan crisis is the largest and closest crisis on the southern borders of the EU. It is therefore reasonable that the stabilization of this country and the engagement of international relations and partnership with an independent and effective government of Libya is a central point of the EU’s foreign policy since the outbreak of the crisis in 2011. The consolidation of peace in Libya is of primary importance not only because of political and economic reasons. The engagement with Libya is essential for the EU even to strengthen its role as global actor in the field of foreign and security policy. Finally, the Libyan crisis is closely connected with the migration emergency that is weakening European political cohesion. The purpose of this article is thus to carry out a legal analysis on the role of the EU in promoting peace/state-building in Libya, to make some considerations on the main lesson learned.


Author(s):  
Andrii Martynov

The European Union is facing unprecedented challenges, both global and internal: regional conflicts, terrorism, growing migratory pressures, protectionism, social and economic inequalities. A safe and secure EU where all citizens feel sure and can move freely, external borders are secured, where international norms are respected, Europe determined to fight terrorism. The European international system is not rigid; it is characterized by constant changeability of the configuration of forces, spheres of influence. The states of the European Union system may be divided into static, transformative and turbulent. For example, Brexit, together with the cooperation and peaceful co-existence, proceed from the current state of the international system, as far as structural limitations imposed on the actions of states by the hierarchy of a system are more stable than the level of their influence. The disparity between the status of a state in the system and its potential abilities are the most credible explanations of conflict behaviour thereof. Conflict and cooperation are the most important manifestations of the subject of international relations and logically proceed from structural peculiarities of a current international system. Generally speaking, the existence of the system of international relations is defined by conditions of coexistence of contemporary Poles of international power, the superpower status of which is fixed with respect to peripheral social subject by relevant factorial, spectral, departmental, geo-civilizational, and institutional elements. The expansion in the range of issues, which did not require the unanimous approval of the EU member-states, but solely by voting on the principle of the qualified majority, was to promote the enforced cooperation between the EU member-states. These vectors were chosen due to the changes in the international arena which occurred during the period researched, reflected rather in these areas than in the economic policy since the state received the freedom of action in the search of a new balance of power. What is more, the EU institutions that govern the common foreign and security policy and the European defence remained weak even after the Maastricht treaty has been reviewed and the Amsterdam treaty has been signed. The monetary union is an identity instrument of the EU. The multi-ethnics identity is the feature of the migration processes in European Union.


2020 ◽  

This study is prepared by the Center for European Studies of Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations. It observes the problems of competitiveness and the challenges faced by European countries and the European Union as a whole in contemporary global economy. The first part of the book presents the general position of the EU in the world economy, examines industrial competitiveness and describes the role of State in its ensuring. The second part is dedicated to national competitiveness of European countries in the European Single Market. The publication is intended for Agencies developing Russia's economic policy, as well as for researchers, higher education professors, postgraduates, students, and anyone interested in the current trends in the world economy and international relations.


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