International Relations and the European Union

Author(s):  
Christopher Hill ◽  
Michael Smith ◽  
Sophie Vanhoonacker

International Relations and the European Union takes a unique approach by incorporating the study of the EU's world role into the wider field of international relations. The text explains the EU's role in the contemporary world. Beginning with an examination of theoretical frameworks and approaches, the text goes on to address the institutions and processes that surround the EU's international relations. Key policy areas, such as security and trade, are outlined in detail, alongside the EU's relations with specific countries, including the United States, China, India, and Russia. Updates for the third edition include expanded discussions of three key perspectives to provide a rounded picture of the EU's place in the international system: as a sub-system of international relations, as part of the process of international relations, and as a power in its own right.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
C. Pagani

This article assesses the theoretical contours and effectiveness of migration governance and diplomacy as an instrument of statecraft in interstate relations. The first part provides an overview of the stakes and challenges of migration within the fields of international relations and political theory. In particular, the category of migration defies the theoretical model of the nation­state, on which traditional IR and political theory are grounded. The second part highlights how the state, through the securitization of migration, uses migration as a tool to reaffirm its defining features: reinforcing its borders, legitimating state sovereignty, and building societal security. The third section demonstrates the usefulness of the category of statecraft within the context of migration governance at a bilateral level owing to the absence of a global normative framework. This relationship can serve different purposes, depending on the context: to harm, to deter, to bargain, to escalate. The last section presents contemporary case studies of the application of migration statecraft by the United States and Russia, as well as by member states along external border of the European Union and within the Schengen space. The elements of "migration statecraft" evidenced by these episodes focus on several objectives: trade blackmail, cooperation in an asymmetrical relation, political threat, and diplomatic escalation for electoral purposes. The variety of these cases illustrates the specificity of statecraft in comparison with foreign policy analysis. While the latter refers to a general and long­term strategy, the former is context­dependent and specific to achievement of a precise desired outcome.


Author(s):  
O. M. Antokhiv-Skolozdra

The article considers the peculiarities of formation and development of relations between Canada and the European Union in political sphere. It points out that the common essence of approaches to modern international relations serves as a potential basis for building bilateral cooperation on the issues of establishing political cooperation. In the course of research on Canada’s foreign policy it was noted that there is a number of features that are due to both internal context and external factors. In particular, it refers the peculiar nature of Canadian statehood, the existence of two linguistic communities, geographical location, and immediate neighborhood with the United States. It emphasizes the similarity of Canada’s positions with the approaches of European countries to solving a number of problems of modern world development. The importance of maintaining the transatlantic connection is among the significant issues. At the same time, it should be taken into account that there are peculiarities of establishing and maintaining relations between Canada and the European Union. On the one hand these are the relations with a strong multinational association and on the other – with each individual member state. It is noted that, despite the long historical tradition in the relationship, the potential for cooperation between Canada and the EU is only partially used. It highlights the need for Canada to reach a new level in its relations with the European Union, provided that it maintains close relations with the United States of America. Areas of mutual interest, as well as problematic aspects of negotiations on a strategic partnership agreement between Canada and the European Union have been identified. Although Canada–EU relations are bilateral, they are evolving in a broader international context. It is analyzed that Canada can be a valuable partner for the European Union in the field of international relations. This country should strive to be involved in the preparation of important international decisions in order to build common positions and ensure a sufficient level of coordination between the parties.


Author(s):  
Michael Smith ◽  
Rebecca Steffenson

This chapter examines the evolution of the European Union's relations with the United States. More specifically, it looks at the ways in which EU–US relations enter into the international relations of the EU as well as the implications for key areas of the EU's growing international activity. The chapter begins with an overview of the changing shape and focus of the EU–US relationship as it enters into economic, political, and security questions. It then considers the impact of EU–US relations on the EU's system of international relations, on the EU's role in the processes of international relations, and on the EU's position as a ‘power’ in international relations. It shows that the EU–US relationship has played a key (and contradictory) role in development of the EU's foreign policy mechanisms.


1976 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter J. Katzenstein

Recent writings on problems of the international economy have focused attention primarily on changes in the international system. This paper attempts to show that foreign economic policy can be understood only if domestic factors are systematically included in the analysis. The paper's first part groups the recent literature into three paradigms which distinguish between three international effects. The second part offers a comparison of the differences between a state-centered policy network in France and a society-centered network in the United States. The third part of the paper combines the arguments of the first two and analyzes French and American commercial, financial, and energy policies as the outcome of both international effects and domestic structures. These case studies show that domestic factors must be included in an analysis of foreign economic policies. The paper's main results are analyzed further in its fourth part.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-136
Author(s):  
Alessandro Figus

Abstract Today the relationship between Russia and the today EU-28 (today EU-27) members of the European Union is essential and very strategically important; this issue is bound to become more urgent as the two draws closer together over the next decades. In this paper, we discuss this and the Russian Federation’s role in the Ukraine conflict that has seriously affected EU-Russia relations. The EU and Russia have a long record of cooperation on issues of bilateral and international concern in several fields, from climate change to drug and human trafficking, but also the organized crime, terrorism, and non-proliferation. In particular, Europe, the “old traditional Europe”, acquires special weight for Russia in the context of the cooling down of relations between Russia and the United States. We will discuss gas, oil, and energy, but we can see that the solution can be only economic, and the oil and agriculture sectors could help do just that. “Business is business”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-309
Author(s):  
Milos Vukelic

The paper points out that there is a way to comprehend the phenomenon of national populism from the perspective of the international relations discipline. Additionally, to provide an interpretation of why national populism occurred in the United States and the European Union after 2014. The emergence of national populism in the United States and the European Union countries has endangered the survival of the liberal-democratic paradox. There are numerous scientific explanations attempting to explain how this phenomenon came about. In this paper, I will reduce these explanations to cultural, economic, and political arguments and arguments about human nature and the long-term logic of modernity. The author argues that these explanations have a research gap since there is no answer to why national populism occurred in 2014 simultaneously in the EU and the United States. As a set of tools in the international relations discipline, the author finds that relationalism provides us with lenses that can open up a space to claim that the simultaneous change, embodied in the emergence of national populism, occurred due to a change in the structure of the everyday. Therefore, the paper consists of an interdisciplinary literature review of relationalism in international relations, everyday nationalism, the influence of algorithmic power and algorithmic politics on the structure of human internet presence, and the existing works that indicate the source of national populism?s emergence. By proving the claims, the author points out the importance of studying processes in order to understand the events and changes in international relations that have occurred since 2014.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-49
Author(s):  
Kent Jones

This chapter discusses populist movements and how they typically depend on the emotional appeal of their platforms in order to achieve electoral success. Populist leaders therefore tend to identify flashpoint issues that resonate with their constituents in terms of the conflict with the discredited elite. Conceptual flashpoints include national sovereignty, which the elite have allegedly compromised; and trade balances, whereby the deficit country is the loser; and tariffs, presented as weapons to punish foreign countries. Institutional flashpoints include the World Trade Organization, regional trade agreements, and the European Union as a special case in the Brexit referendum. Identifiable countries and groups serve to personalize the focus of populist resentment, and represent the third type of flashpoint. Mexico and China have served this function for Trump especially, while immigrants and terrorists play this role in the United States, the European Union, and elsewhere.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-116
Author(s):  
A. Martynov

The historical period after the beginning of the global economic crisis has accelerated the transformation of the Balkan subsystem of the European system of international relations. In a strategic sense, the European Union faces a complex dilemma: to Europeanize the Balkans, or to risk the balkanization of Europe. The European Union, together with the United States, has overcome the scenario of European balkanization. Symbols for this were the completion of the process of joining NATO Albania, Montenegro, and Macedonia. It is critically important to overcome the conflict between Serbia and Kosovo. Russia is trying to maintain its influence in Serbia, which remains the last Russian outpost in the Balkans. Serbian society remains divided into a liberal pro-European segment focused on European and Euro-Atlantic integration, and a nationalist segment that hopes to reestablish the "Great Serbia" project on the verge of the 21st century. The peace in the Balkans can only bring the completion of the process of including this region into the system of European and Euro-Atlantic integration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
Lucid Chirozva ◽  

Abstract Purpose: The study aims to analyse the law of attraction and its influence on Zimbabwe-Belarus relations. Research methodology: Secondary sources that relate to Zimbabwe and Belarus were used to gather data. The content analysis technique was employed to analysis to the data. Results: The study gathered that the two countries have limited allies in the international system; they are all on sanctions from the European Union (E.U.) and the United States of America (U.S.A.). The two countries also behave the same way in their interactions domestically and politically, as demonstrated by their conduct during elections. Limitations: The study focuses explicitly only on Zimbabwe’s 2018 and Belarus’s 2020 elections Contribution: This study contributes to understanding how the law of attraction will play a new role in determining the relations shortly, specifically whether or not the two counties will remain allies.


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