Twitter as a tool for agenda building in election campaigns? The case of Austria

Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 1087-1107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josef Seethaler ◽  
Gabriele Melischek

During the 2017 Austrian national election campaign, political parties that had traditionally focused on press releases and conferences to influence the media’s agenda made extensive use of Twitter for the very first time. This study examines the impact of the parties’ Twitter campaigns on the substantive issue agendas of five leading legacy media outlets. Compared with the impact of parties’ news releases, the results show that, on an aggregated level, Twitter feeds significantly increase the parties’ agenda-building power, but are not influenced by the media agenda – with the exception of the personal accounts of the top candidates (particularly the new leader of the winning conservative party), who follow the media agenda to a significant extent. On an individual level, incumbent parties are the most successful in using Twitter, while small parties suffer from interactions with other parties in communicating their issue priorities (which is in line with the ‘normalisation thesis’).

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiago Luca

The story is now familiar. In the late 1960s humanity finally saw photographic evidence of the Earth in space for the first time. According to this narrative, the impact of such images in the consolidation of a planetary consciousness is yet to be matched. This book tells a different story. It argues that this narrative has failed to account for the vertiginous global imagination underpinning the media and film culture of the late nineteenth century and beyond. Panoramas, giant globes, world exhibitions, photography and stereography: all promoted and hinged on the idea of a world made whole and newly visible. When it emerged, cinema did not simply contribute to this effervescent globalism so much as become its most significant and enduring manifestation. Planetary Cinema proposes that an exploration of that media culture can help us understand contemporary planetary imaginaries in times of environmental collapse. Engaging with a variety of media, genres and texts, the book sits at the intersection of film/media history and theory/philosophy, and it claims that we need this combined approach and expansive textual focus in order to understand the way we see the world.


2019 ◽  
pp. 271-281
Author(s):  
Rens Vliegenthart ◽  
Stefaan Walgrave

This chapter discusses what role the media agenda has played in (comparative) agenda research. Studies into the characteristics of the media agenda demonstrate that, compared to other agendas, the media agenda is characterized by high levels of responsiveness and volatility and that various outlets that jointly constitute the agenda strongly influence each other. In recent years, a vast amount of research has considered the impact of the media agenda on the parliamentary agenda (political agenda-setting) and how the size of this impact depends on a wide variety of contingent factors. Our empirical example uncovers considerable overlap in media agendas across various Western European countries, reflecting the importance of the international context in the construction of news.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Burbidge ◽  
Nic Cheeseman

AbstractPolitical economy comparisons of Kenya and Tanzania have often found the political salience of ethnicity to be far higher in the former than the latter, with a negative impact on intercommunal trust. This difference has tended to be explained on the basis of the different kinds of leadership that the two countries experienced after independence. However, these findings have typically been demonstrated using aggregate or survey data. This paper assesses the salience of ethnicity at the individual level for the first time, deploying monetized two-round trust games in urban Kenya and Tanzania. The experimental games isolate the comparative impact of common knowledge of ethnicity and integrity among a quasi-random selection of 486 citizens. Verifying previous findings, we observe higher levels of trust and trustworthiness in Tanzania as compared with Kenya. Further, in comparison with Kenya, any shared knowledge of ethnic identities in Tanzania leads players to transfer fewer resources, while common knowledge that both players are “honest” led to higher transfers there than in Kenya. These results provide robust evidence of higher levels of trust in Tanzania, and of the negative effect in that country of common knowledge of ethnicity on levels of cooperation. The findings demonstrate the way in which political context can shape the impact of ethnic diversity, and encourage further experimental research that looks at the intersubjective dynamics of social cooperation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakob-Moritz Eberl ◽  
Markus Wagner ◽  
Hajo G. Boomgaarden

Media coverage can influence how citizens think about their political leaders. This study explores how three types of media bias (visibility bias, tonality bias, and agenda bias) affect voter assessments of politicians’ traits. Bias effects should be stronger for political traits (such as competence) than for nonpolitical traits (such as likability). Biases may also interact in their effects: Specifically, visibility bias should moderate the impact of tonality bias. Combining media, party, and survey data through manual content analysis of newspaper coverage ( N = 2,680) and party press releases ( N = 1,794), as well as a three-wave voter survey ( n = 927) during the 2013 Austrian election campaign, we find substantial effects of tonality bias and agenda bias on political trait perceptions. The effects are less clear for nonpolitical trait perceptions. Although visibility bias has no direct impact, there is evidence that it moderates effects of tonality bias on candidate perceptions.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Sampedro

The relationship between political agenda building and media agenda building is examined with reference to mobilization of the Spanish antimilitary movement between 1976-1993. Three models of media-state relations are discussed in terms of possible media outcomes of social protest. These models are used to examine political and media agenda building in relation to movement challenges. An analysis of the coverage of the antimilitary movement by three national dailies demonstrates that political opportunity structures shape media opportunity structures. There are, however, small windows of opportunity when the causal effect works in the other direction. Media structures can help a movement open, reset, and sometimes block official policies. Media opportunities, however, do not remain favorable in the long run because government elites can bureaucratize and trivialize movement challenges, thereby reducing their newsworthiness. Institutionalized media abide by journalistic rules that tend to validate the political class and, in the long run, dilute social protest.


2022 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-195
Author(s):  
María-Jesús Fernández-Torres ◽  
Alejandro Álvarez-Nobell ◽  
Nerea Vadillo-Bengoa

The subject of this research topic is the frameworks and the media representation of the role of women in mass sports events. The case study corresponds to the participation for the first time in the halftime show of the “Super Bowl 2020” of two of the main Latin pop artists: Shakira and Jennifer López. The objective of the study is to characterize the treatment of the event given by the media (both generalist and sports-themed) of the 22 countries that make up Ibero-America together with that on social networks. The assumptions that have guided the research seek to determine whether an objectification of women in the image that is built from the media and on social networks really exists; and whether the frames that occur in both are identical or different. The methodological design includes a content analysis and impact measurement with Big Data technology. The main results and conclusions include the objectification of women in all the generalist media; and 50% in sports-themed media. Similarly, it should be noted that social media reflect the impact of conventional media more than tenfold and most importantly, a change in trend and progress is foreseen in media frameworks with a gender perspective.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trent Seltzer ◽  
Stephen W. Dittmore

This study used second-level agenda-setting and agenda-building theory as a framework for investigating media coverage of the NFL Network carriage dispute and how NFL and cable operators attempted to frame this issue via their respective public relations efforts. National, regional, and trade media stories over a 2-year period were content analyzed along with corporate press releases. Results indicated that the NFL and cable operators in particular were framed negatively in media coverage. However, the percentage of positive media stories was much higher for the NFL than for the cable operators. The findings suggest that initially the NFL was more effective in having its messages resonate with the media than were the cable operators. As the issue evolved over time and fans were faced with the prospect of missing key games, the media framing of the debate shifted the blame from the cable companies to both cable operators and the NFL.


Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 934-958 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Pintak ◽  
Brian J Bowe ◽  
Syed Javed Nazir

A survey of Pakistani journalists, members of the policy community and media academics found that the mediatization of Pakistan is having a mixed effect on the stability of the country’s fragile democracy. Members of the policy community generally have a more positive view of the impact of the media on Pakistani society than those who work in the profession and say they take media reaction into account before making decisions, although all groups said the media are still unable to fulfill its watchdog role without fear of retribution. The results are in line with studies in the developed world that found that the more politicians believe in a stronger media effect, the more susceptible they become to media agenda setting. The findings also bolster the ‘co-evolution’ theory that argues media gain influence as democracy stabilizes in post-autocratic environments.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candace Forbes Bright ◽  
Braden Bagley

Purpose Political elections, especially presidential elections, have a tendency to overshadow other events, including disasters. Response to disasters during elections, such as Hurricane Matthew and the Baton Rouge flooding in 2016, are often dependent on attention given to them from the media, as well as prominent political figures and political candidates candidates. The purpose of this paper is to explore how election cycles affect government response to disasters and ultimately demonstrate the dependency of crisis communication on media agenda-setting for presenting saliency of disaster risk and needs. Design/methodology/approach Responses from presidential candidates Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, as well as President Barack Obama, in regards to the Baton Rouge flooding and Hurricane Matthew, were observed using media reports and social media accounts. These results were matched with key events from the presidential election timeline. Findings There is a positive relationship between news exposure and attention, and also between attention and civic response. In regards to the 2016 presidential election, news coverage of the release of the Donald Trump-Billy Bush tape distracted national attention from the approach, landfall, and recovery of Hurricane Matthew. Information subsidies provided by the candidates directed the media agenda away from the needs of the communities and individuals impacted by these disasters. Originality/value Disasters are often assumed to be value-free because they are “blind to politics.” Here, it is argued that this was not the case in relation to these two disasters. Thus, the authors encouraged more research be conducted to clarify the impact that political elections have on strategic news coverage of disasters and ultimately on disaster response.


Author(s):  
Francisco-Javier Alonso-Flores ◽  
Daniela De-Filippo ◽  
Antonio-Eleazar Serrano-López ◽  
Carolina Moreno-Castro

Institutional offices for the communication and dissemination of science are gaining in importance at Spanish universities, and their activities can contribute to increasing the visibility and reputation of researchers. The objective of this study is to analyze the relations between the institutional communication of research results to the public and the impact and academic visibility of scientific papers. For this purpose, science communication and dissemination undertaken through press releases on R+D+i results from the Science Culture and Innovation Unit (SCIU) at Universidad Carlos III de Madrid (UC3M) were selected as a case study. This SCIU was chosen because it has published yearly reports for more than a decade on the impact in the media of its press releases. Press dossiers of the last five years available (2014-2018) were examined, and a database was created of the citations received by texts published in scientific journals indexed in the Web of Science as well as their mentions on social networks through the company Altmetric.com. After that, this information was statistically analyzed. The main results show that the journal impact index is important for obtaining academic citations or appearing in Twitter conversations. However, the influence of the journal impact factor turns out to be lower when it comes to popularizing scientific publications in the media. Furthermore, the statistical evidence points to the fact that scientific publications disseminated through the SCIU receive proportionally more citations than research that has not been disseminated through the institutional channel. Resumen Las oficinas de comunicación y divulgación pública de la ciencia están ganando importancia en las universidades españolas y las actividades que realizan pueden contribuir al incremento de la visibilidad y reputación del personal de investigación. El objetivo de este estudio es analizar las relaciones entre la comunicación institucional pública de los resultados de investigación y el impacto y visibilidad académica de las publicaciones científicas. Para ello, se ha seleccionado como estudio de caso la comunicación y diseminación que realiza la Unidad de Cultura Científica y de Innovación (UCC+i) de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Se ha escogido esta UCC+i porque publica anualmente, desde hace más de una década, informes sobre el impacto que generan en medios de comunicación las notas de prensa que difunden. Se han examinado los dosieres de los últimos cinco años (2014-2018) y se ha creado una base de datos que incluye las citas recibidas por los documentos difundidos en revistas científicas indexadas en la Web of Science y las menciones en redes sociales utilizando Altmetric.com. Posteriormente se ha realizado un análisis estadístico de la información obtenida. Los principales resultados muestran que el factor de impacto de las revistas es importante para conseguir citaciones académicas o para figurar en la conversación que se genera en Twitter. Sin embargo, la influencia del factor de impacto de la revista resulta menor a la hora de conseguir que la publicación científica obtenga popularidad en medios de comunicación. Además, las pruebas estadísticas muestran que las publicaciones científicas divulgadas a través de la UCC+i obtienen proporcionalmente más citas que las que no han sido divulgados por vía institucional.


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