A cudgel of repression: Analysing state instrumentalisation of the ‘fake news’ label in Southeast Asia

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492098406
Author(s):  
Ric Neo

Fake news has been recognised as a pressing issue by scholars, who have highlighted the destabilising impact it portends in societies. Beyond an understanding of the empirical effects of fake news on democratic institutions that recent scholarship has shed light on, emergent research also points to the potential of fake news being weaponised as a discursive tool to achieve political ends. In that light, this study sets out to analyse the discourses of fake news as advanced by states. Results from a critical discourse analysis of articles relating to fake news ( n = 450) from four countries – Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam – reveal four key findings: first, fake news is being framed as an existential security issue that directly threatens foundational societal values. Second, fake news as an issue is constructed as a new and unprecedented contemporary problem, and compared on equal terms to other security threats such as terrorism, chemical attacks and cyberwarfare. Third, the threat of fake news is used to justify the passing of broad-reaching legislation and curbs on free speech that are construed as aligned with global democratic norms. Lastly, the term is used to facilitate unsubstantiated ‘lying press’ accusations against media outlets. Overall, this study suggests that fake news can be damaging to the quality of democracies not only as a result of its dissemination, but also through the discursive instrumentalisation of the term to curb civil liberties and justify crackdowns.

Author(s):  
Alexandra-Niculina Babii

The digital era has determined a very easy creation and propagation of fake news. As a consequence, it has become harder for people to fight this malicious phenomenon. However, the only weapon that can have results in this informational war is critical thinking. But who should use it? The creators of fake news that do this for different reasons? The social platforms that allow the circulation of fake news with ease? Mass media which does not always verify with much attention and rigour the information they spread? The Governments that should apply legal sanctions? Or the consumer that receives all the fake news, him being the final target? Even if critical thinking would be useful for every actor on fake news’ stage, the one who needs it the most is the consumer. This comes together with the big responsibility placed on his shoulders. Even if others are creating and spreading disinformation, the consumer must be aware and be careful with the information he encounters on a daily basis. He should use his reasoning and he should not believe everything just because it is on the Internet. How can he do that? Critical thinking seems to be a quite difficult tool to use, especially for non-specialized individuals. This paper’s aim is to propose a simplified model of critical thinking that can contribute to detecting fake news with the help of people’s self judgement. The model is based on theories from Informal Logic considering the structure of arguments and on Critical Discourse Analysis theories concerning the patterns found in the content of the information.


Author(s):  
Ibrahim Er

AbstractThis article highlights the importance of multimodality in the study of discourse with a discussion of a segment from the Turkish adaptation of the global television format, The Voice. In the segment under discussion, a contestant is disqualified from the show by the host for her allegedly disrespectful style of speech towards the coaches. Departing from traditional (sociolinguistic) critical discourse analysis, the article seeks to unveil the deep power discourse hidden in the multimodal landscape of the show by extending the scope of discourse analysis to include both linguistic and non-linguistic modes of communication and representation such as the camerawork, and mise-en-scene. The findings shed light on the inherently asymmetrical nature of the show and how the contestant's highly non-standard language and manners are demonized (multimodally) while the coaches and the host find a relatively less judgmental environment as the “authority” in the show.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-484
Author(s):  
Ayodeji A. Adedara

Abstract Based on the idea that the quality of a democracy may be measured against the quality of its public communication, this paper deploys Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to investigate a Nigerian gubernatorial concession speech in discursive terms. It argues that as an uncommon genre in political discourse in an emerging democracy this hybridised speech both indexes a growing culture of ‘fair competition’ in Nigeria’s eighteen-year-old civilian rule and presents the incumbent as a deft political actor who strategically claims political capital. The paper examines the text’s generic structure, the political and other actors mentioned or implied in it, its manipulation of pronominal references for rhetorical effect, as well as the epistemic uncertainty implied by a query-concession sequence noticed in it. Drawing on the concession speech literature, the paper charts a course for studying the concession speech as an emerging genre in a neonatal democracy like Nigeria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 591-607 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisa Bellè ◽  
Caterina Peroni ◽  
Elisa Rapetti

The aim of this article is to furnish insights of the Italian public debate on the recognition of LGBTQ rights, which can be understood as an interesting case study of the complex relationship between (multi)secularisation processes and re/definition of citizenship models. More specifically, the article analyses two political events related to this debate that took place in Rome in June 2015. The first is the Family Day demonstration, promoted by conservative Catholic groups; the second is the LGBTQ Pride parade, promoted by various gay, lesbian and transsexual/gender associations. We analyse the official statements issued by the two organising committees of the demonstrations, adopting the framework and methods of the Critical Discourse Analysis. Above and beyond an evident political conflict between the two discourses, we try to shed light on their mutual construction on the basis of what we call ‘naturalization’ and ‘universalization’ processes.


Author(s):  
Liu Ming ◽  
Guofeng Wang

Abstract Protests and social movements have become part of Hong Kong’s local politics since the 1970s. However, protests against the proposed extradition bill in 2019‒20 turned out to be the most violent political mass movement in Hong Kong after its return to the People’s Republic of China in 1997. It not only drew wide international attention but also evoked another round of “news war” over Hong Kong (Lee et al. 2002). This special issue collects six articles which address the representations of the protests in Hong Kong by different parties on different media platforms. Adopting a critical discourse analysis approach, these studies examine discursive strategies employed in media representations of the protests and the ideologies and power struggles at play. It aims to present different perspectives towards the issue and shed light on the complex relations between language, media and politics in the representations of the Hong Kong protests.


Transilvania ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 72-77
Author(s):  
Anca-Simina Martin ◽  
Simina-Maria Terian

This article sets out to offer an overview and a review of the latest linguistic research into fake news. To this end, the authors put forward a critical discussion of the paradigms and instruments deployed over the past decade to analyze and identify this textual (micro)genre, from natural language processing techniques to critical discourse analysis. The conclusion of our study is that a proper understanding of the fake news phenomenon can only be achieved by bringing together qualitative and quantitative methods.


2016 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgio Strafella

AbstractThe adoption of postmodernist and postcolonial theories by China’s intellectuals dates back to the early 1990s and its history is intertwined with that of two contemporaneous trends in the intellectual sphere, i. e. the rise of conservatism and an effort to re-define the function of the Humanities in the country. This article examines how these trends merge in the political stance of a key figure in that process, Peking University literary scholar Zhang Yiwu, through a critical discourse analysis of his writings from the early and mid-1990s. Pointing at his strategic use of postmodernist discourse, it argues that Zhang Yiwu employed a legitimate critique of the concept of modernity and West-centrism to advocate a historical narrative and a definition of cultural criticism that combine Sino-centrism and depoliticisation. The article examines programmatic articles in which the scholar articulated a theory of the end of China’s “modernity”. It also takes into consideration other parallel interventions that shed light on Zhang Yiwu’s political stance towards modern China, globalisation and post-1992 economic reforms, including a discussion between Zhang Yiwu and some of his most prominent detractors. The article finally reflects on the implications of Zhang Yiwu’s writings for the field of Chinese Studies, in particular on the need to look critically and contextually at the adoption of “foreign” theoretical discourse for national political agendas.


Humanus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Noermanzah Noermanzah ◽  
Emzir Emzir ◽  
Ninuk Lustyantie

The study aims to provide an understanding of the range of rhetoric in the political speech of the President of Indonesian Republic Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo, especially in the field of education. The research method used is the critical discourse analysis method of Norman Fairclough model. Data collection techniques used are documentation techniques, note-taking techniques, and interviews. Data analysis techniques are operated by connecting micro, meso, and macro elements in dimensions, such as: (a) text, (b) discourse practice, and (b) socio-cultural practices. The result of the research shows the rhetoric in the political speech of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo in the field of education which are compiled by the staf of presidential documents are as followed: 54,25% of the argumentation, 31,21% of the hortatory variety, 5,32% of  the exposition, 4,25% of persuasion, 2,48% of  informative variety,  1,06 % of narrative range, 0,71% of descriptive variation, 0,35% of dramatic variation, and 0,35% of  procedural variation. The variety of rhetoric used aims to deliver educational programs that have been made, promises, and wishes or expectations to improve the quality of education in Indonesia, especially in the reform era.Keywords:  variety of rhetoric, state speech, educationRAGAM RETORIKA DALAM PIDATO KENEGARAAN PRESIDEN REPUBLIK INDONESIA SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO DAN JOKO WIDODO PADA BIDANG PENDIDIKAN AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan memberikan pemahaman tentang ragam retorika dalam pidato kenegaraan Presiden Republik Indonesia Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo khususnya dalam bidang pendidikan. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode analisis wacana kritis model Norman Fairclough. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan teknik dokumentasi, teknik catat, dan wawancara. Teknik analisis data dengan cara menghubungkan unsur mikro, meso, dan makro pada dimensi: (a) teks, (b) praktik wacana, dan (b) praktik sosial budaya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan ragam retorika yang terdapat dalam pidato kenegaraan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo dalam bidang pendidikan yang disusun bersama tim kerjanya, yaitu ragam argumentasi terdapat 54,25%, ragam hortatori terdapat 31,21%, ragam eksposisi terdapat 5,32%, ragam persuasi terdapat 4,25%, ragam informatif terdapat 2,48%, ragam narasi terdapat 1,06%, ragam deskriptif terdapat 0,71%, ragam dramatik terdapat 0,35%, dan ragam prosedural terdapat 0,35%. Ragam retorika yang digunakan bertujuan untuk menyampaikan program pendidikan yang telah dilakukan, janji,  dan keinginan atau harapan untuk memperbaiki mutu pendidikan di Indonesia khususnya pada era reformasi.Kata kunci: ragam retorika, pidato kenegaraan, bidang pendidikan


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Harun Güney Akgül

AbstractThis study examines how populist politicians made sense of the issue of fake news. They generally consider fake news as a valuable propaganda tool for their political interests. According to the Reuters Digital News Report in 2018, Turkey ranks first on the list of countries where people complain about completely made-up stories. The study researched how fake news is helping facilitate the rise of populism in Turkey. There is plenty of fake news aired by pro-government media. Therefore, the Turkish government is emerging as a suspect behind the fake news cycle. The fact is that most of the fake news is published for the benefit of the government. Research shows that, paradoxically, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is regarded as one of the most important populist politicians in the world. These two different indicators can be valuable data in revealing the relationship between fake news and populist politicians. The aim of this paper is to consider the significance of this apparent relationship between fake news and President Erdogan. In order to do this, a critical discourse analysis method was based on the fake news about the pastor Brunson case, because Turkish readers came across a huge amount of fake news regarding his case in pro-government media.


Author(s):  
Noermanzah ◽  
Emzir ◽  
Ninuk Lustyantie

A good speech has the power in presenting the rhetorical argument, therefore it is required a study corresponds to the speech preparation with rhetorical techniques to argue, especially in the presidential speech of the President of the Republic of Indonesia Joko Widodo of reform era in the field of education. The research method was the critical discourse analysis method of Norman Fairclough model. Data collection techniques used were documentation techniques, note-taking techniques, and interviews. Data analysis techniques were administered by connecting micro, meso, and macro elements in dimensions: (a) text, (b) discourse practice, and (b) socio-cultural practices. The results show that President Joko Widodo and his team used the argument technique: 1) The introduction has two patterns: (a) claim and ground; and (b) claims. 2) The trunk or content section has a pattern: (a) claim and ground; (b) claim, ground, and claim; (c) claim, ground, and warrant; (d) claim, ground, and possible; and (e) claim, ground, warrant and backing with each sub topic or argument, minimally and dominantly comprising claim and ground. 3) The closing section has a pattern: (a) claim, ground, and claim; (b) claim. The rhetorical technique of arguing in a presidential speech aims at explaining the plans of educational programs, undertaken educational programs, and the promise and expectation to improve the quality of education in Indonesia during the reform era.


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