Chief Executive Success in the Legislative Arena

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Robertson Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Executive Leadership ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Leadership Success

American chief executives are popularly believed to play a crucial leadership role in the legislative process, but this role is not well understood by scholars. This article develops a model of executive leadership success in the legislative arena based on personal, institutional, political, and economic factors and tests that model with data on the legislative priorities of the 50 state governors in 1993–94. Institutional features of the executive, which have been the focus of much scholarship, are found to have little effect on a governor's legislative success. On the other hand, the nature of the legislature is quite important here, with more professional legislatures actually encouraging executive leadership. A governor's personal characteristics, political party, and a state's economy also influence a governor's legislative success. These findings point to the importance of examining chief executives in the context in which they work if we are to understand their role as legislative leader.

Executive Leadership and the Legislative Process

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Jonathan Malloy ◽  
Paul J. Quirk
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Executive Leadership ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines executive leadership and the legislative process in the United States (U.S.) and Canada. The U.S. has a separation-of-powers or presidential system while Canada has a parliamentary system. The constitutional differences do not produce predictable differences in policymaking performance, but they have crucial consequences in interaction with other political conditions. In particular, their effects depend heavily on variable conditions of the two countries’ electoral and political party systems. To explore these effects, the chapter distinguishes two major aspects of policymaking performance: (1) ideological direction and change and (2) policy competence. Over the long run, both systems have tended toward moderation and incrementalism. Canada has probably had an advantage with respect to competence. In recent years, developments in the respective party systems have challenged the long-term moderation of Canadian policymaking and have produced gridlock and episodes of serious incompetence in the U.S.

scholarly journals Technocratic Populism in Italy after Berlusconi: The Trendsetter and his Disciples

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonino Castaldo ◽  
Luca Verzichelli
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Executive Leadership ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Notwithstanding the speculations from the literature, the empirical analyses still neglect the convergence between populism and technocracy. The Italian case can be of some interest in this perspective, given the rise of technocratic populism since Silvio Berlusconi’s rise to power in 1994. By analyzing the style of leadership and the processes of ministerial appointment and delegation, we argue that Berlusconi has been a trendsetter, more than a coherent example of technocratic populist leader. On the one hand, he played the role of the entrepreneur in politics, promising to run the state as a firm. Moreover, he adopted an anti-establishment appeal, delegitimizing political opponents and stressing the divide between ‘us’ (hardworking ordinary people) and ‘them’ (incompetent politicians). On the other hand, however, his anti-elite approach was mainly directed towards the ‘post-communist elite.’ Extending the analysis to the following two decades, we introduce a diachronic comparison involving three examples of leadership somehow influenced by Berlusconi. Mario Monti represents the paradox of the impossible hero: A pure technocrat unable to take a genuinely populist semblance. Matteo Renzi represents the attempt to mix a populist party leadership with a technocratic chief executive style. Finally, Salvini represents the pure nativist heir of Berlusconi, as the new leader of the right-wing camp. The latest developments of executive leadership in Italy, and the re-emergence of other residual hints of technocratic populism, will be discussed in the final section of the article, also in the light of the evident impact of the 2020 pandemic outbreak on the practices of government.

Surviving Scandal: The Institutional and Political Dynamics of National and State Executive Scandals

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (01) ◽  
pp. 131-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon Rottinghaus
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
State Level ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Comparative Effect ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Data Tracking

AbstractWhich factors shorten or lengthen the survival of a scandal involving a chief executive? Using new data tracking scandals involving presidents and governors from 1972 to 2011, I chart the duration of each political, personal, and financial scandal faced by an elected official, their staff, or nominees. I specifically examine institutional, political, and economic factors to investigate what factors quicken a “negative” end to a scandal. National chief executives and their staff are more likely to survive a scandal when they have more partisans in the legislature but are less likely when there is greater political opposition, however there is no comparative effect at the state level. Positive economic growth and public approval have no effect on survival of a scandal at either the national or state levels. These findings clarify how the political environment shapes the duration of executive scandal.

NEUROTIC SYMPTOMATICS RELATED TO PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS IN YOUTH

2019 ◽  
pp. 2014-2019
Author(s):  
Milen Dimov
Keyword(s):  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Responsiveness ◽  
Training Process ◽  
Self Assessment ◽  
School Year ◽  
Real Behavior ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
The Ideal

The present study traces the dynamics of personal characteristics in youth and the manifested neurotic symptoms in the training process. These facts are the reason for the low levels of school results in the context of the existing theoretical statements of the problem and the empirical research conducted among the trained teenagers. We suggest that the indicators of neurotic symptomatology in youth – aggression, anxiety, and neuroticism, are the most demonstrated, compared to the other studied indicators of neurotic symptomatology. Studies have proved that there is a difference in the act of neurotic symptoms when tested in different situations, both in terms of expression and content. At the beginning of the school year, neurotic symptoms, more demonstrated in some aspects of aggressiveness, while at the end of school year, psychotism is more demonstrated. The presented summarized results indicate that at the beginning of the school year, neurotic symptoms are strongly associated with aggression. There is a tendency towards a lower level of social responsiveness, both in the self-assessment of real behavior and in the ideal “I”-image of students in the last year of their studies. The neurotic symptomatology, more demonstrated due to specific conditions in the life of young people and in relation to the characteristics of age.

The CEO’s route to the top: The South African experience

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Chris Van Melle Kamp ◽  
Karl Hofmeyr ◽  
Mandla Adonisi
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Senior Management ◽  
Childhood And Adolescence ◽  
Next Generation ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Leadership Challenges ◽  
African Experience ◽  
Depth Interviews

In this study we draw on a series of in-depth interviews with chief executives of some of South Africa’s most prominent businesses, to investigate how their careers unfolded as they rose to the top of their organisations.Twenty-seven CEOs of South Africa’s top companies were interviewed. Eleven of these companies are listed among the top 50 South African companies.We trace the evolution of leadership, from its embryonic beginnings in childhood and adolescence, through the different stages of a developing career to the crucial transformation of an operational mindset into a strategic one.We examine the circumstances that led to these CEOs being appointed and describe the difficulties of transitioning from a senior management role into that of chief executive. We look at the competencies and experience necessary to be effective as the leader of an organisation, as well as the role played by motivation and self-belief. Finally, we identify the unique leadership challenges faced by chief executives in South Africa and pass on their advice to the country’s next generation of leaders.

Kroniek van een aangekondigd ontslag. Twee opmerkelijke brieven van Alfons Van de Perre betreffende zijn afscheid als volksvertegenwoordiger in 1919

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Will ◽  
The One ◽  
First World ◽  
Member Of Parliament

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.

White Working-Class Support for Trump

Contexts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-35
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Cherlin
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
The Other ◽  
Community Study ◽  
Reverse Discrimination ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
White Working Class

Why do working-class Whites support Donald Trump? The accepted explanation points to racial and ethnic resentment and anxiety about immigration, with economic factors secondary. Based on a community study, the author argues that feelings of reverse discrimination and anti-immigrant sentiment reflect both racial and economic factors. This article explains why it is difficult to conclude that either factor was more important than the other.

An ‘Age of Commerce’ in Southeast Asian History

1990 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Reid
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Economic History ◽  
External Factors ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Increased Sensitivity ◽  
Asian History

Since the end of World War II the study of Southeast Asia has changed unrecognizably. The often bitter end of colonialism caused a sharp break with older scholarly traditions, and their tendency to see Southeast Asia as a receptacle for external influences—first Indian, Persian, Islamic or Chinese, later European. The greatest gain over the past forty years has probably been a much increased sensitivity to the cultural distinctiveness of Southeast Asia both as a whole and in its parts. If there has been a loss, on the other hand, it has been the failure of economic history to advance beyond the work of the generation of Furnivall, van Leur, Schrieke and Boeke. Perhaps because economic factors were difficult to disentangle from external factors they were seen by very few Southeast Asianists as the major challenge.

Moving Beyond Procedure

2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (7) ◽  
pp. 784-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMIE KREPPEL
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Decision Procedures ◽  
The Other ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Legislative Influence

This article examines the influence of the European Parliament (EP) within the legislative process of the European Union. Although debate over the impact of the cooperation and co-decision I procedures continues, this article argues that, in part, the current theoretical debate is a false one that has caused many of the other important variables that affect EP legislative influence to be ignored. This article briefly revisits the current debate, then proceeds to an analysis of the success of more than 1,000 EP amendments under the cooperation and co-decision procedures. This evidence suggests that numerous other variables, such as internal EP unity and type of amendment made, have a significant impact on EP success, even controlling for procedure. In addition, this comparison points out some empirical differences between the two procedures that have been largely ignored in the theoretical debate but that nonetheless have a significant impact of EP success and merit further study.

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