scholarly journals Women’s Political Representation in Indonesia: Who Wins and How?

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Edward Aspinall ◽  
Sally White ◽  
Amalinda Savirani
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Significant Barrier ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Women's Networks

This article analyses barriers to women’s political representation in Indonesia and the ways that women candidates overcome them. Surveying the literature and drawing on three data sources – findings of thirteen teams of researchers studying women candidates running in the 2019 election, a survey of 127 such candidates, and a nationally representative survey of Indonesian citizens – the article identifies widespread patriarchal attitudes as one significant barrier, alongside structural disadvantages. It highlights two distinctive methods by which women candidates aim to overcome these barriers: one group of candidates target women voters and draw on women’s networks to mobilise what has been called “homosocial capital”; another group of dynastic candidates rely on the political and financial resources of (often male) relatives. The article briefly surveys the place of political Islam in both impeding and facilitating women’s representation. By surveying these issues, the article introduces this special issue on women’s political representation and the 2019 election.

scholarly journals Responsive versus responsible? Party democracy in times of crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Karremans ◽  
Zoe Lefkofridi
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Contribution ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Present Evidence ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Responsible Party

This essay introduces a collection of papers dealing with the responsive–responsible dilemma of party government. The political developments surrounding the Eurozone crisis attest that the duties of government and the demands of political representation may at times be in sharp contrast with one another. In such contexts, it becomes hard for parties in government to combine responsiveness with responsible policy-making. Late Peter Mair theorized this phenomenon as the increasing bifurcation between the growing complexity of governing in a world of interdependence and the need to respond to often polarizing electoral demands. The key question is whether and how in such contexts parties find the balance between their representative and governing duties. The papers included in this special issue deal with this question in the context of the Eurozone crisis and present evidence about parties’ behavior, rhetoric, and policy outputs. In introducing the contributions here, we illustrate how this collective endeavor helps advance the debate on the major challenges to contemporary representative democracy. More specifically, we first discuss how the framework of the responsive–responsible dilemma helps understanding contemporary political developments. We then critically reflect on the distinction between responsiveness and responsibility. Finally, we present how each individual contribution approaches the question of how parties manage the tension between electoral incentives and governmental duties.

After Syria

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-116
Author(s):  
Michael Hoffman
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Syrian Conflict ◽  
Zero Sum

This chapter reveals how changing political circumstances---a new axis of political competition---dramatically altered the political interests of Lebanon's sects and therefore adjusted the effect of communal prayer on regime preferences. Using an original, nationally-representative survey of over 1,200 Lebanese respondents, I show that the Syrian conflict has centered political contestation around the Sunni-Shi`a cleavage, with Christians divided on their relationship with each of these sects and on the Syrian conflict itself. Sunnis, relatively better-represented and wealthier than Shi`a, now have reason to fear Shi`a ascendance in Lebanese politics. Since the new lines of political conflict have created a zero-sum situation between these two sects, democracy is no longer a palatable option for many Sunnis. Consequently, the effect of communal prayer on regime attitudes has shifted: for Shi`a, mosque attendance continues to have a pro-democratic effect, but for Sunnis, this effect has reversed; fearing Shi`a dominance, practicing Sunnis now tend to oppose democracy more than their less observant counterparts.

The empowerment of Latin American women in politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ketty Marilú Moscoso Paucarchuco ◽  
Jesus Cesar Sandoval Trigos ◽  
Manuel Michael Beraún Espíritu ◽  
Jhoys Leylaura Ordóñez Gómez ◽  
Hilario Romero Girón
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
American Women ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
The Status ◽  
Status Of Women

The book untitle: “The empowerment of Latin American women in politics” is integrated by three chapters. The first one covers elements related to female empowerment in politics, especifically the topics related to feminist theory and political representation. The second one deals with empowerment and political participation of women in Latin America; it highlights the status of women and their political participation as well as the influencing factors in women’s political participation. The third one transactions with neutrosophical evaluation of the political participation of women candidates and elected officials of the provincial municipality of Huamanga.

scholarly journals Protest Blues: Public opinion on the policing of protest in South Africa

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin James Roberts ◽  
Narnia Bohler-Muller ◽  
Jare Struwig ◽  
Steven Lawrence Gordon ◽  
Ngqapheli Mchunu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Analysis ◽  
South African ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Overall Evaluation ◽  
Nationally Representative

The policing response to rising protest action in the country has received increased attention in the last decade. This is particularly owing to concerns over confrontations during which protesters have been arrested, injured and in some instances killed by the police. Despite the criticism voiced by various stakeholders about the manner in which the police manage crowd gatherings, relatively little is known about the views of South African adults on the policing of protest action and the factors that shape such attitudes. To provide some insight, this article draws on data from a specialised module on protest-related attitudes and behaviour that was fielded as part of the 2016 round of the Human Sciences Research Council’s South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS) series. This nationally representative survey included specific questions probing the public’s overall evaluation of the performance of the police in dealing with protests, and the justifiability of the use of force in policing protest action. The article will present a national picture of people’s views on the policing of protest, based on these measures, and then determine the extent to which there are distinct underlying socio-demographic cleavages in these data. A combination of bivariate and multivariate analysis is undertaken in order to understand how perceptions of effectiveness, acceptability and reported participation in protest (especially disruptive and violent actions) shape people’s views regarding policing of protest. The article concludes with a discussion that reflects on the implications of the research for the policing of protest action in future, given the appreciable rise in the incidence of protest since the mid-2000s and the mounting tensions between state institutions and communities over the political, moral and constitutional arguments for and against such actions.

Perempuan dalam Kungkungan Budaya Politik Patriarkhis

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Cultural Reconstruction ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Women's Networks ◽  
Women's Political Participation

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.

Sharp rise in vaccine hesitancy in a large and representative sample of the French population: reasons for vaccine hesitancy.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie Hacquin ◽  
Sacha Altay ◽  
Emma de Araujo ◽  
Coralie Chevallier ◽  
Hugo Mercier
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Vaccine Hesitancy ◽  
The Political ◽  
French Population ◽  
Sharp Rise ◽  
Vaccine Refusal ◽  
French People ◽  
Nationally Representative

A safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine is our only hope to decisively stop the spread of the SARS-CoV-2. But a vaccine will only be fully effective if a significant share of the population agrees to get it. Five consecutive surveys of a large, nationally representative sample (N = 1000 for each wave) surveyed attitudes towards a future COVID-19 vaccine in France from May 2020 to October 2020. We found that COVID-19 vaccine refusal has steadily increased, reaching an all-time high with only 23% of participants willing to probably or certainly take a future COVID-19 vaccine in September 2020. Vaccine hesitant individuals are more likely to be women, young, less educated, to vote at the political extremes, to be dissatisfied with the government’s response to the COVID-19 crisis, and to feel less at risk of COVID-19. The reasons why French people would refuse to take the COVID-19 vaccine are similar to those offered for other vaccines, and these reasons are strikingly stable across gender, age and educational level. Finally, most French people declare they would not take the vaccine as soon as possible but would instead rather wait or not take it at all.

The Inclusion Calculation

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rational Action ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Novel Approach ◽  
Large N ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
Open The Doors

Power-holders and gate-keepers in political parties and governments continue to be primarily men. How are they responding to the increasing numbers of women who are seeking leadership roles in politics? Are they angels who embrace equality and fling open the doors to power? Are they devils who block women at every turn? Are they powerless against the increasing tide of feminism and inadvertently succumbing to the push for power from women? Most likely, these male elites are primarily concerned with maintaining their own power, which drives their reaction to women’s political inclusion. The Inclusion Calculation examines women’s inclusion from the perspective of men in power and offers a novel approach to understanding differences in women’s descriptive representation. The book argues that with declining legitimacy it is valuable for male elites to “strategically feminize,” associating themselves or their party with women, because citizens will interpret the increased presence of women as meaning that the party or government is becoming more honest, cooperative, and democratic. Using a combination of case studies from Latin America, Europe, and Africa, as well as large-N analyses, the book provides evidence that male elites are more likely to increase the number of women candidates on party lists or adopt a gender quota when “feminizing” is advantageous to the political careers of men. Women’s exclusion from government, then, is not a product of their own lack of effort or ability but rather a rational action of men in power to keep their power.

Workplace “Digital Culture” and the Uptake of Digital Solutions

2020 ◽  
pp. 368-402
Author(s):  
Simeon J. Yates ◽  
Eleanor Lockley
Keyword(s):  
Technology Acceptance ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Digital Technologies ◽  
Digital Culture ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Company Culture ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Uk

This chapter reviews prior work on technology acceptance and then reports on a nationally representative survey of UK employees exploring both employee’s personal experiences of digital technologies at home and work and their evaluations of the effectiveness of the technologies and the “digital culture” in their organization. Presenting the results of 3040 UK workers, it seeks to explore the factors that influence digital roll-outs by focusing on the experiences and perceptions of the UK workforce as a whole, with the expectation that introducing new technology alone isn’t enough. This research explores how “digitally ready” organizations are in the UK in terms of people, processes, and company culture. It concludes that a large proportion of the UK workforce are not seeing the benefits of digital technologies. Importantly, there is a need for organizations to understand that making digital solutions a success is a process of cultural change in their organization.

Afterword: Reprise and reflection*

2021 ◽  
pp. 194277862110242
Author(s):  
Terrell Carver
Keyword(s):  
Later Life ◽  
Space Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Political Activities

The bicentenary of Engels’s birth in 1820 is an occasion for assessing his works as received by geographers. This Afterword to the special issue draws on Terrell Carver’s recent researches into Engels’s political activities and associations, beginning with his schooldays in Wuppertal, focusing on his Anglo-German journalism, continuing through his political partnership with Marx, and extending after the latter’s death into later life in London. The article demonstrates the value of close contextual attention to the precise character of the political regimes which Engels struggled to change. This approach also reveals the Marx-centric terms through which Engels has been understood, thus undervaluing many of his achievements. Concluding speculatively, it is possible to glimpse in Engels’s thought a geography of space-time, where capitalism is an Einsteinian warp.

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