scholarly journals Dual Screening, Public Service Broadcasting, and Political Participation in Eight Western Democracies

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristian Vaccari ◽  
Augusto Valeriani
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Adult Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Positive Contribution ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.

scholarly journals Populism, participation, and political equality

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Anduiza ◽  
Marc Guinjoan ◽  
Guillem Rico
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Online Participation ◽  
Socioeconomic Gaps ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis article analyses the relationship between populist attitudes and political participation. We argue that populist attitudes can be a motivation for participation through their identity, emotional, and moral components, and that they have the potential to narrow socioeconomic gaps in participation. Using survey data from nine European countries, our results show that populist attitudes are positively related to expressive non-institutionalized modes of participation (petition signing, online participation and, in some contexts, demonstrating), but not to turnout. In addition, populist attitudes are found to reduce education-based gaps and even reverse income-based inequalities in political participation. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Competing for Liberty: The Republican Critique of Democracy

2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-621 ◽  
Author(s):  
NADIA URBINATI
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Contemporary Debate ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Freedom as non-domination has acquired a leading status in political science. As a consequence of its success, neo-roman republicanism also has achieved great prominence as the political tradition that delivered it. Yet despite the fact that liberty in the Roman mode was forged not only in direct confrontation with monarchy but against democracy as well, the relationship of republicanism to democracy is the great absentee in the contemporary debate on non-domination. This article brings that relationship back into view in both historical and conceptual terms. It illustrates the misrepresentations of democracy in the Roman tradition and shows how these undergirded the theory of liberty as non-domination as a counter to political equality as a claim to taking part inimperium. In so doing it brings to the fore the “liberty side” of democratic citizenship as the equal rights of all citizens to exercise their political rights, in direct or indirect form.

scholarly journals Classes, Strata and Parties in West Germany and the United States

1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Segal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Class ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Sociology ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Political Partisanship ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

As a major socio-political doctrine in the industrializing West, Marxism has had great impact on die research and theory of political sociology and behavioral political science. Particularly, a great deal of research energy has been expended on establishing the nature and degree of the relationship between social class and political partisanship in Western democracies.

scholarly journals “I don’t like it and I think it’s useless, people discussing politics on Facebook”: Young Swedes’ understandings of social media use for political discussion

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Malin Sveningsson
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Young People ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Western Democracies

Western democracies have seen a decrease in political participation, with young people singled out as the most problematic group. But young people are also the most avid users of online media. It has therefore been argued that online media could be used to evoke their interest in politics, and thus contribute to the reinvigoration of democratic citizenship. Using a mixed qualitative methods approach, this article takes a closer look at 26 young Swedes’ experiences and understandings of social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, as used for political discussions. Compared to the average Swedish 17 to 18-year-olds, the participants are relatively interested in civic and political questions. By focusing on this segment, the article mirrors the experiences of an understudied group – young people who are interested in politics but not engaged. The participants were skeptical about social media as used in relation to politics, and expressed doubts about their suitability and usefulness. Four themes were identified, where three have to do with perceived risks: for conflict, misunderstandings and deceit. The participants also expressed the idea of online political activities as being less authentic than their offline equivalents. The idea that young people want and expect something that political organizations cannot live up to is one of the most dominant discourses that characterize the discussion on youth political participation today. However, while some properties of social media fit well into what young people have been found to prefer, for the participants, negative traits seem to outweigh the positive ones, thus discouraging them from participating.

STUDIU PRIVIND PREDICTORII ASOCIAȚI MOTIVAȚIEI ÎN DOMENIUL PUBLIC LA FORȚELE DE ORDINE

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 90-122
Author(s):  
Nicu Vasile
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Commitment ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Linear Regression Analysis ◽  
Abusive Supervision ◽  
Multiple Linear Regression Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Service Motivation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Individual Variables ◽  
The Relationship

This paper brings in atention a concept emerging in the United States of America in the 1980s, which is then defined and developed as a theory in the 1990s, namely Public Service Motivation. Based on self-determination theory, the objective of this study was to analyze the relationship between the public service motivation variable and organizational commitment, abusive supervision and salary satisfaction. We have used multiple linear regression analysis as well as linear hierarchical analysis to test these relationships and to control two individual variables, the age and seniority of the participants. Results suggest that the organizational commitment is positively associated, and abusive supervision and satisfaction with salary are negatively associated with public service motivation. Age and seniority variables did not have a statistically significant relationship with the independent variable. Theoretical and practical implications will be discussed.

STUDIU PRIVIND PREDICTORII ASOCIAȚI MOTIVAȚIEI ÎN DOMENIUL PUBLIC LA FORȚELE DE ORDINE

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 90-122
Author(s):  
Nicu Vasile
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Commitment ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Linear Regression Analysis ◽  
Abusive Supervision ◽  
Multiple Linear Regression Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Service Motivation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Individual Variables ◽  
The Relationship

This paper brings in atention a concept emerging in the United States of America in the 1980s, which is then defined and developed as a theory in the 1990s, namely Public Service Motivation. Based on self-determination theory, the objective of this study was to analyze the relationship between the public service motivation variable and organizational commitment, abusive supervision and salary satisfaction. We have used multiple linear regression analysis as well as linear hierarchical analysis to test these relationships and to control two individual variables, the age and seniority of the participants. Results suggest that the organizational commitment is positively associated, and abusive supervision and satisfaction with salary are negatively associated with public service motivation. Age and seniority variables did not have a statistically significant relationship with the independent variable. Theoretical and practical implications will be discussed.

The genetics of political participation, civic duty, and political efficacy across cultures: Denmark and the United States

2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Klemmensen ◽  
Peter K Hatemi ◽  
Sara Binzer Hobolt ◽  
Inge Petersen ◽  
Axel Skytthe ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Twin Studies ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Genetic Component ◽  
Cultural Contexts ◽  
Civic Duty ◽  
The Relationship

Recent studies have shown that variation in political attitudes and participation can be attributed to both genes and the environment. This finding raises the question of why genes matter to participation, and by which pathways. Two hypotheses suggest that feelings of civic duty and sense of political efficacy intermediate the relationship between genes and political participation and, thus, that these traits have a common heritable component. If so, how robust are the relationships across cultural contexts? Utilizing two new twin studies on political traits, one in Denmark and one in the United States, we show that the heritability of political participation and political efficacy is remarkably similar across cultures. Moreover, most of the covariation between efficacy and political participation is accounted for by a common underlying genetic component.

scholarly journals The relationship between political attitudes and political participation: Evidence from monozygotic twins in the United States, Sweden, Germany, and Denmark

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 102269
Author(s):  
Aaron C. Weinschenk ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes ◽  
Sven Oskarsson ◽  
Robert Klemmensen ◽  
Asbjørn Sonne Nørgaard
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Monozygotic Twins ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Relationship

Finding critical trusters: A response pattern model of political trust

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cary Wu ◽  
Rima Wilkes
Keyword(s):  
Response Pattern ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
The Us ◽  
Specific Assessment ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

How can declining political trust in Western democracies be explained, especially, when it remains stable and high in authoritarian societies? Underlying this question is a debate about whether political trust represents a diffuse orientation toward the political system as a whole or a specific assessment of incumbent performance. This article argues that the solution requires a move away from existing approaches that focus on question content and instead thinking about the pattern of responses. While previous work assumes that individuals display both specific and diffuse trust, we argue that the individual patterning of responses indicates either diffuse or specific trust but not both. We develop a response pattern model and use it to identify three types of individuals – critical trusters (specific trust), compliants (diffuse trust), and cynics (diffuse distrust). Tests of the model with the World Values Survey (WVS) and the US General Social Survey (GSS) show that democracies have a higher proportion of critical trusters than other systems of government and that the proportion of critical trusters has increased over time in the United States. The response pattern model directly connects cross-national and longitudinal empirical evidence to theory about the relationship between democracy and different types of trust.

No Justice, No Peace? Protest Participation for People with Criminal Legal Contact

2020 ◽  
pp. 232949652095929
Author(s):  
Erin Eife
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Driving Factor ◽  
Participation Rates ◽  
Perceived Injustice ◽  
Chicago Area ◽  
The Relationship

Previous research shows that people who have criminal legal (CL) contact are less likely to vote, but there is little information about whether or not CL contact influences protest participation. While people with CL contact may be more likely to engage in critiques of the state, they are also more vulnerable to the risks associated with protesting. Because the CL system is highly racialized in the United States, race is central to an analysis of CL contact. In this article, I analyze the relationship between protest participation, CL contact, and race in Illinois. With survey data from the 2014 Chicago Area Study, I show how race and CL contact interact to increase the likelihood of protesting for Black respondents with CL contact, suggesting that one’s experience of a personal perceived injustice is a driving factor in deciding to protest. I also find that non-Black respondents with CL contact are equally as likely to participate in protests as their counterparts without CL contact. This article contributes to literature on political participation and criminology, showing how race and CL contact interact in a way that is associated with participation rates for protest.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document