Where Does Power Go When No One Wants It: Two New Academics Grapple With the Hierarchies Implicit Within Conference Spaces

2020 ◽  
pp. 194084472096819
Author(s):  
Jess Anne-Louise Erb ◽  
Ryan Paul Bittinger

In this article, we provide a dialogical piece of writing inspired by our performative conversation, presented at the European Congress of Qualitative Inquiry 2019. Emboldened by our activist stance that conference presentations and writings can resist arborescent models that dictate the “right” sort of academic, we seek an active engagement with such hierarchical power structures. By engaging in experiential accounts provided through transcript excerpts from conversations, we show how grappling with concepts like power, hierarchy, and insider/outsider groups within a conference space is alive and complicated. Coming to realize that we are already becoming part of an in-group within this prestigious space, we push against the walls of comfort to show our own resistance to power—while also realizing that denying power is exactly the opposite from what we want academics to do.

Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Klassen

Throughout European history the aristocracy has been involved in reform movements which undermined either ecclesiastical or monarchical power structures. Thus the nobles of southern France in the twelfth century granted protection to the Cathars, and in fourteenth-century England lords and knights offered aid to the Lollards. The support of German princes and knights for Lutheranism is well known, as is the instrumental role played by the French aristocracy in initiating the constitutional reforms which gave birth to that nation's eighteenth-century revolution. The fifteenth-century Hussite reform movement in Bohemia similarly received aid from the noble class. Here, when the Hussites were under attack in 1417 from the authorities, especially the archbishop, sympathetic lords protected Hussite priests on their domains.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194084472097014
Author(s):  
The Bodies Collective

If activism is an act of challenging marginalization and hierarchy, The Bodies Collective works to challenge the hierarchy between “mind” and “body” inherent in much academic discourse, and can be witnessed in the conference space. We do this, not through forming another hierarchical structure, but from within—through invitation and inviting those who may be labeled as “participant” to become a leader within each workshop presented. This is the act of activism that The 2019 European Congress of Qualitative Inquiry (ECQI19) invited. In this article, we discuss how The Bodies Collective’s contributions to ECQI can be seen as activism. We describe our contribution, a workshop, and provide examples of feedback from those involved. Finally, we show some of the challenges we have encountered and conclude with looking toward the future.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194084472096820
Author(s):  
Susan Mackay ◽  
Gabriel Soler ◽  
Tessa Wyatt

During the European Congress of Qualitative Inquiry, Edinburgh, 2019, we offered an esthetic intervention: two spaces open to delegates in which they could explore and express their interactions with the conference through the assemblage of paper, paint, crayons, scissors, glue, glitter, bodies, breath, memories, thoughts—ineffable and effable. Delegates were invited to produce either individual journals, individual pieces, or contribute to large collective pieces of art. In this article, we follow the lines of flight to create the event and reflect on the process that led up to and continued after the esthetic intervention.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daisy Henwood

This article examines the ways Rebecca Solnit’s Savage Dreams (1994) (re)maps two key locations in the American West. The text centres on Yosemite National Park and the Nevada Test Site, locations emblematic of histories of colonialism, patriarchy, capitalism and the military in the United States. Considering how Solnit constructs a counter-map of these places, this article argues that by tracing ‘lines of convergence’ on a landscape deemed empty by the dominant culture, Solnit both documents and is part of resistance to power structures upheld by traditional cartography. Using an ecofeminist framework based on drawing connections in the face of the dominant culture’s emphasis on fragmentation and separation, I discuss how Solnit exposes the silence and violence of the map. I then consider the ways she constructs a ‘testimonial network’ that counters both. Finally, I suggest that Solnit’s textual counter-map prompts us to re-read the traditional map on connective, ecofeminist terms.


1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Łoś

This article focuses on discourses conducted in Central/East European countries, and Poland in particular, with respect to the issue of participation of former secret agents in the new power structures. It exposes the reader to the range, style, content, and variety of lustration discourses. It explores their relevance for the ongoing power struggle, paying special attention to their focus on and contribution to the processes of construction and control of truth about the past. Given that the procedural and legal-institutional issues occupy a marginal place in the debate, it is inferred that the main sources of discord are more ideological and political than legal. The two main strains within the global lustration discourse are identified as: (1) dystopian discourses that paint a frightful picture of a lustrated society and imply that the upheaval of lustration would ruin the chance for democratic evolution, and (2) affirmative discourses that assert the need for lustration and portray the refusal to implement it as a barrier to successful transition to democracy. The article elaborates on assumptions and beliefs, which tend to link the dystopian opposition to lustration with the left-wing political affiliation or self-identification and the affirmative discourse with the right-wing orientation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312110467
Author(s):  
Delia Dumitrica

This article focuses on the ambiguous ideological work of citizen-produced humor in protest. Using the case of the 2017 Romanian anti-corruption protests as empirical data, the article shows how humor can simultaneously signal grassroots creativity and resistance to power structures, and reproduce conservative gender and class hierarchies. Unlike other types of texts, humor presents itself as an innocent and light message, absolved of the need for critical scrutiny. However, protest studies need to engage in a more nuanced way with the ideological articulation of democratic politics via protest humor by asking not only how humor helps protest communication, but also how it achieves shared enjoyment, for whom, and to what consequences for the ideological articulation of democratic politics. The article concludes by proposing that researcher reflexivity can afford a new sensitivity to the ambiguousness of protest humor.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erkka Railo ◽  
Eliisa Vainikka

This article examines the use of Twitter by Finnish candidates in the European parliamentary election of 2014. It concentrates on two groups of candidates: the 20 most active Twitter users measured by the number of tweets sent and those 20 candidates who aroused the most interest, measured by the number of Twitter replies received. The study takes into consideration contextual variables, such as gender, age, party, position and place of residence of the candidates. The main research question asks for what kind of candidates does Twitter offer a platform to challenge existing political power structures (equalizing hypothesis), and for what kind of candidates does Twitter not offer this platform (normalization hypothesis) The main finding was that Twitter was mostly used by established, middle-aged, urban, professional politicians of the right-wing National Coalition Party. This party has mostly young, well-educated and urban supporters in Southern Finland. For these people, Twitter was an effective tool to normalize the current power structures. However, for some other candidates Twitter seemed to have a more equalizing nature: the Green candidates, women and representatives of the parties’ youth organisations. The article demonstrates the need for a more nuanced approach to the normalization/equalization hypothesis in future research.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-104
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mareš

This paper deals with framework for analysis the use of sport in the right-wing extremist environment. It analyses the situation in extremist regimes and in subversive movements in various historical periods, mostly in Central European context. As main fields it identifies strengthening of identity of organizations and movements, propaganda of ideas and representatives, infiltration in the civil society and power-structures, preparation of violent activities, cover-activities and attacks against opponents.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leda Blackwood ◽  
Nick Hopkins ◽  
Stephen D. Reicher

Contemporary analyses of citizenship emphasise the importance of being able to occupy public space in a manner that does not compromise one’s sense of self. Moreover, they foreground individuals’ active engagement with others (e.g., being concerned about others) and the active exercise of one’s rights. We explore such issues through considering the psychological and social significance of having one’s various self-definitions mis-recognised in everyday social interactions. We do so through reporting interview and focus group data obtained from Scottish Muslims concerning their experience of surveillance at airports. Focussing on their accounts of how they orient to others’ assumptions about Muslim passengers, we consider what this means for our participants’ ability to act on terms that they recognise as their own and for their citizenship behaviours. Our analysis is organised in two sections. First, we examine the strategies people use to avoid painful encounters inside the airport. These include changes in micro-behaviours designed to avert contact, and where this was not possible, identity performances that are, in various ways, inauthentic. Second, we examine citizenship-related activities and how these may be curtailed in the airport. These include activities that entail the individual reaching out and making positive connections with others (e.g., through helping others) and exercising the right to criticise and complain about one’s treatment. Our analyses highlight the psychological and social consequence of identity misrecognition, and how this impacts on individuals’ abilities to act in terms of their own valued identifications and enact citizenship behaviours.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Laura Elena Ruiz Meza

Se analizan las dimensiones de género de los procesos de mercantilización de los derechos agrarios y los de agua para regadío en el área de influencia del Distrito de Riego 101 Cuxtepeques, que se localizan en la Región Frailesca de Chiapas. En el contexto de la individualización y privatización de los recursos naturales, se identifican los mecanismos de mercado que vulneran el derecho de las mujeres a la propiedad sobre los recursos naturales. Se sostiene que, en el marco de las relaciones y estructuras de poder existentes, los mercados de derechos de agua y tierra recrean mecanismos de exclusión social e inequidad de género en los procesos de gestión de los recursos naturales a nivel local. ABSTRACTWe analyze the gender dimensions of the commodification of land and water rights for irrigation in the area of 101 Cuxtepeques Irrigation District, in Frailesca region of Chiapas.In the context of individualization and privatization of natural resources, identify market mechanisms that violate the right of women to ownership of natural resources. It is argued that, in the context of relationships and existing power structures, markets for land and water rights recreate mechanisms of social exclusion and gender inequality in the management of natural resources at the local level.  


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