scholarly journals Využití sportu pravicovými extremisty

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-104
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mareš
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Central European ◽  
European Context ◽  
The Right ◽  
Historical Periods

This paper deals with framework for analysis the use of sport in the right-wing extremist environment. It analyses the situation in extremist regimes and in subversive movements in various historical periods, mostly in Central European context. As main fields it identifies strengthening of identity of organizations and movements, propaganda of ideas and representatives, infiltration in the civil society and power-structures, preparation of violent activities, cover-activities and attacks against opponents.

Lustration and Truth Claims: Unfinished Revolutions in Central Europe

1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Łoś
Keyword(s):  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
East European ◽  
The Past ◽  
Institutional Issues ◽  
Truth Claims ◽  
The Right ◽  
And Control

This article focuses on discourses conducted in Central/East European countries, and Poland in particular, with respect to the issue of participation of former secret agents in the new power structures. It exposes the reader to the range, style, content, and variety of lustration discourses. It explores their relevance for the ongoing power struggle, paying special attention to their focus on and contribution to the processes of construction and control of truth about the past. Given that the procedural and legal-institutional issues occupy a marginal place in the debate, it is inferred that the main sources of discord are more ideological and political than legal. The two main strains within the global lustration discourse are identified as: (1) dystopian discourses that paint a frightful picture of a lustrated society and imply that the upheaval of lustration would ruin the chance for democratic evolution, and (2) affirmative discourses that assert the need for lustration and portray the refusal to implement it as a barrier to successful transition to democracy. The article elaborates on assumptions and beliefs, which tend to link the dystopian opposition to lustration with the left-wing political affiliation or self-identification and the affirmative discourse with the right-wing orientation.

scholarly journals A close-up on ‘top tweeters’ in Finland: Relevance of the national context in political Twitter campaigning

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Erkka Railo ◽  
Eliisa Vainikka
Keyword(s):  
Research Question ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Party Position ◽  
Twitter Users ◽  
National Coalition ◽  
The Right

This article examines the use of Twitter by Finnish candidates in the European parliamentary election of 2014. It concentrates on two groups of candidates: the 20 most active Twitter users measured by the number of tweets sent and those 20 candidates who aroused the most interest, measured by the number of Twitter replies received. The study takes into consideration contextual variables, such as gender, age, party, position and place of residence of the candidates. The main research question asks for what kind of candidates does Twitter offer a platform to challenge existing political power structures (equalizing hypothesis), and for what kind of candidates does Twitter not offer this platform (normalization hypothesis) The main finding was that Twitter was mostly used by established, middle-aged, urban, professional politicians of the right-wing National Coalition Party. This party has mostly young, well-educated and urban supporters in Southern Finland. For these people, Twitter was an effective tool to normalize the current power structures. However, for some other candidates Twitter seemed to have a more equalizing nature: the Green candidates, women and representatives of the parties’ youth organisations. The article demonstrates the need for a more nuanced approach to the normalization/equalization hypothesis in future research.

Wrestling with Constitutionalism: the Supermajority and the Hungarian Constitutional Court

ICL Journal ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Attila Vincze
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
European Context ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

AbstractSince the elections of 2010, the right-wing coalition has a supermajority in the Hungarian Parliament, and is able to amend the Constitution without any further ado. The Constitution became a part of the political tool-kit which may and is amended as the government needs it to be amended. Under these circumstances, the Constitutional Court cannot be a vigorous guardian of constitutional values, and the Parliament did everything in order to housetrain the formerly widely acknowledged Constitutional Court: cut back its powers filled the bench with rather loyal justices and blocked the critical decisions.The present article is aimed to describe and to critically analyze these strategies in a national and European context.

From Newcomers to Incipient Constituency

2019 ◽  
pp. 47-60
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Algerian War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Right

This chapter examines the reception of the Europeans of Algeria in Toulon, where politicians and civil society mobilized to help them. The Var department contained milieus sympathetic to the cause of French Algeria. The major Mediterranean port of the French Navy was located in Toulon, thus home to a concentration of right-wing conservatives. During the Algerian War, nationalist organizations opposed to the colony’s independence used Toulon as a base for activism, recruitment, and mobilization. When the settlers arrived, the right-wing politicians who governed this city were ready to quit the Gaullist party. After the ex-colonials arrived, they took this step.

scholarly journals Demokratische Querfronten?

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (171) ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Oppenhäuser
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
Alternative Für Deutschland ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
European Stability Mechanism ◽  
The Right ◽  
General Criticism ◽  
The Eu

Starting point of the article is a right-wing populist campaign against the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) in Germany, which lead to the foundation of the party „Alternative für Deutschland“ (AfD). Initially the actors of this campaign, their general criticism of the EU, their narrative about the economic crises and their social basis are analysed. But the right-wing populists were also part of a broader coalition in civil society, which called for direct democracy in general and a referendum on the ESM in particular. Therefore the second part of the article analyses the underlying concept of democracy and shows why neoliberals and national-conservatives opt more and more for direct democracy. These issues point to ambivalences of direct democracy, which should not be overlooked by leftists.

scholarly journals Continuidade e variedade do neoliberalismo: reconsiderando maré rosa na América Latina

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-202
Author(s):  
Dieter Plehwe ◽  
Karin Fischer
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Careful Study ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Think Tank ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Relational Perspective ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Right

In this article we critically engage with the term and concept of “post-neoliberalism”, delineate different meanings in the literature and arrive at the conclusion that the term leaves more questions open than it answers. We therefore draw on literature that investigates the departure from (or persistence) of neoliberalism on a careful study of social power relations, i.e. Barry Cannon`s work on the rise of the right in Latin America. In taking his arguments further we present and examine transnational neoliberal think tank networks that are active in Latin America. We show the extent to which these networks have been developed across borders, investigate the key linkers within these networks are and situate the main currents within the contemporary constellation of right wing political ideologies. The article strengthens a relational perspective in the study of neoliberalism and its counter-forces and indicates research desiderata in the field of transnational ideological power structures. 

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

The Politics of Repressed Guilt

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Critical Scholarship ◽  
Important Addition ◽  
Defensive Mechanisms ◽  
The Right

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.

Jewish Question in the Ideology and Political Practice of Russian Monarchists in the Beginning of the 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 232-261
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Population ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
First World

The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.

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