The Disintegrating Nature of American Politics

1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-101
Author(s):  
Wook Kim

The American political system is unique in the world, and its political process, in particular, is clearly distinguished from that of most other democratic countries. Although this distinguishing feature of the American political process has been described in many different ways, it can be characterized most succinctly as the “politics of disintegration,” or “politics of fragmentation.” In this paper, we examine this disintegrating nature of American politics, first by pointing out several institutional factors responsible for the fragmentation of interests, and then by looking at its empirical manifestation in the policy making process. After examining two negative consequences of the disintegration, we also discuss whether and how the problem of disintegration can be cured.

Author(s):  
Michelle Belco ◽  
Brandon Rottinghaus

The president serves dual roles in the political system: one who “commands” by pursuing his or her agenda using unilateral orders and one who “administers” and who works to continue proper government function, often with the support of Congress. In a reassessment of the literature on unilateral power, this book considers the president’s dual roles during the stages of the policy-making process. Although presidents may appear to act “first and alone,” the reality is often much different. Presidents act in response to their own concerns, as well as assisting Congress on priorities and the need to maintain harmonic government function. The authors find support for both the model of an aggressive president who uses unilateral orders to push his or her agenda, head off unfavorable congressional legislation, and selectively implement legislation, and they find support for a unifying president who is willing to share management of government, support Congressional legislative efforts, and faithfully implement legislation. At the same time, presidents self-check their actions based on the ability of Congress to act to overturn their orders, through a shared sense of responsibility to keep government moving and out of respect for the constitutional balance. The shared nature of unilateral orders does not preclude an active president, as presidents remain strong, central actors in the political system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (02) ◽  
pp. 340-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byron E. Shafer ◽  
Regina L. Wagner

How much of politics is specific to its actors and how much is the reflection of an established structure is a perennial concern of political analysts, one that becomes especially intense with the candidacy and then the presidency of Donald Trump. In order to have a template for assigning the outcomes of politics to structure rather than idiosyncrasy, we begin with party balance, ideological polarization, substantive content, and a resulting process of policy-making drawn from the immediate postwar period. The analysis then jumps forward with that same template to the modern world, dropping first the Trump candidacy and then the Trump presidency into this framework. What emerges is a modern electoral world with increased prospects for what might be called off-diagonal candidacies and a policy-making process that gathers Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump together as the modern presidents.


Author(s):  
Lisa M. Holmes

The American judicial system is not a static, simple, or mechanical entity. Rather, it is a complex organization that is developed and staffed in response to changing caseload and societal pressures through a process that is inherently political. The key personnel who help the judiciary function bring varied backgrounds and perspectives with them that influence the work they do. As is the case with any political system, understanding American politics and policy making requires an understanding of the judiciary’s role in the American political system. In addition, on a daily basis, courts function to resolve disputes. While most cases have little direct impact on American policy or society broadly speaking, the resolution of these cases is important to those who turn to the courts of law to resolve their disputes.


POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Umi Qodarsasi ◽  
Abdul Ghofur

<p class="06IsiAbstrak">Islam is not limited to  religion that only talks about God. Islam has a comprehensive concept in all aspects of life, one of the aspect is politics (siyasa) that discusses the concept of the state, the exercise of power, who deserves to exercise power, how much power they can have, and the characteristics and objectives of Islamic politics itself. Political party is a superstructure in a political system that carries out several strategic functions, including political socialization, political recruitment, political articulation and aggregation of interests. Political party also has an important position in the policy making process. This paper aims to analyze how the dynamics of Islamic politics in Indonesia in the middle of multicultural society by carrying out its function as an articulator and aggregator of interests.</p>


1970 ◽  
pp. 25-27
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

Many, undoubtedly, continue to question why specific reference should be made to women, where problems of the environment and health are concerned, when the whole of humanity is in the same boat. Could it be because women's involvement in the policy-making process is weak. Or maybe because breast cancer is increasing at geometric rates all over the world and because cancer survivors, environmentalists, and a handful of researchers are pointing to environmental contaminants as the epidemic's central culprit!


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
GEDE KAMAJAYA

BSTRACTThe 2019 election is the first simultaneous election in Indonesia. In addition to electing the presidentand vice president, the 2019 election also elects members of the DPR RI, DPD, Provincial DPR, andCity Regency DPRD. The 2019 simultaneous elections were implemented after previously there was alawsuit against Law No. 42 of 2008. One of the most important things in a democratic climate is publicparticipation in the policy-making process and political process. One form of public participation inthe policy-making process and political process is the involvement of citizens in the election process.This study aims to determine the extent of the participation of the Buleleng people in the 2019simultaneous elections. To obtain the results to be achieved as mentioned above, this study uses aqualitative method by collecting data from interviews to document studies. The results of this studyindicate that the number of users of the right to vote in Buleleng Regency is 439,787 people. Inpercentage terms, public participation in simultaneous elections in Buleleng Regency is 73.91%. In the2019 simultaneous elections, there were 596,589 voters in Buleleng. Meanwhile, the number of votingrights users reached 439,787 people who were divided into 2,146 polling stations. The highparticipation rate is due to the success of KPU socialization, massive information in the media. Of allthe regencies in Bali, Buleleng was recorded as one of the districts with a fairly high invalid vote rateof 37,449 while the number of valid votes was 401,818. The high number of invalid votes is due totechnical difficulties, especially for the elderly. In Buleleng Regency itself, the elderly voter rate is thehighest compared to other districts and cities with a total of 92,101 with the number of male voters is42,170 and the number of female voters is 49,931. Keywords: Buleleng Regency, Public Participation, Election, Political Communication


2008 ◽  
Vol 07 (03) ◽  
pp. 451-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
XUE HAN ◽  
JIANG YU

With the largest wireless market in the world, China's selection of the appropriate 3G licensing patterns will have some crucial impacts on the landscape of telecommunication industry in China and other parts of the world. Under its obligations to the World Trade Organization, the Chinese government wishes to demonstrate a relatively structured and transparent 3G licensing process. Therefore, evaluation criteria in designing licensing patterns for the home-grown 3G standard should satisfy multiple goals to meet the requirements of the different stakeholders such as government, consumers, the potential operators, and domestic manufacturers. The surveys in methodology of Multi-Criteria Decision Making (MCDM) are conducted and the results reveal that the research methodology is applicable to the evaluation and policy-making process under the transitional context.


Author(s):  
Cesar N. Cruz-Rubio

Due progressive influence of the Open-Government (OpGov) movement as an emerging paradigm over several nation state-reforms and over debates and processes around the world (Ramírez-Alujas & Cruz-Rubio, 2012) this paper seeks to identify and explore the main elements in defining and analyzing policy designs in the face of the Open Government perspective. Specifically, this effort addresses several questions: What policy-design dimensions (tools, instruments and rationales) may define a policy design as an “open policy design”? What directions should take policy-research in order to cope adequately with this (presumably) new subject of study?


1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maureen Covell

AbstractThis article examines the impact of economic crisis on the process of regionalization in Belgium and the influence of both on the balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces in the Belgian political system. It argues that the usual approach to this suject, which identifies centripetal forces with the national government and centrifugal forces with regional governments, misses the possibility that important proponents of further fragmentation may be located at the national level. The economic crisis of the early 1980s did lead to an increase in centrifugal pressures in the system but not to an increase in the power of the new regional executives. Rather, it led to a major rearrangement of the economic policy-making process at the national level.


Author(s):  
Conor M. Dowling ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov

Since the 1960s there has been an increase in the amount of negative advertising in American campaigns. Although only 10% of advertisements aired in the 1960 campaign were negative, in the 2012 campaign only 14.3% of aired ads were positive. The increase in negative advertising has raised questions about the effects these types of ads may have on the electoral outcomes and the political process at large. Indeed, many voters and political actors have assumed and argued that negative advertising will have negative consequences for American politics. Although many news consumers and people interested in politics make many assumptions about the role of negativity in politics, the effect of campaign negativity on the political process is ambiguous. If there is a relationship between negativity and political outcomes, this relationship is nuanced and conditional. Although negativity may, under certain conditions, have powerful effects on political outcomes, under other conditions the effects of negativity are minimal. Moreover, while there is some research to suggest that this type of campaigning can produce negative consequences, other research suggests that negativity may—at times—be beneficial for the political process.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document