scholarly journals PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT DALAM PEMILU SERENTAK TAHUN 2019 DI KABUPATEN BULELENG

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
GEDE KAMAJAYA

BSTRACTThe 2019 election is the first simultaneous election in Indonesia. In addition to electing the presidentand vice president, the 2019 election also elects members of the DPR RI, DPD, Provincial DPR, andCity Regency DPRD. The 2019 simultaneous elections were implemented after previously there was alawsuit against Law No. 42 of 2008. One of the most important things in a democratic climate is publicparticipation in the policy-making process and political process. One form of public participation inthe policy-making process and political process is the involvement of citizens in the election process.This study aims to determine the extent of the participation of the Buleleng people in the 2019simultaneous elections. To obtain the results to be achieved as mentioned above, this study uses aqualitative method by collecting data from interviews to document studies. The results of this studyindicate that the number of users of the right to vote in Buleleng Regency is 439,787 people. Inpercentage terms, public participation in simultaneous elections in Buleleng Regency is 73.91%. In the2019 simultaneous elections, there were 596,589 voters in Buleleng. Meanwhile, the number of votingrights users reached 439,787 people who were divided into 2,146 polling stations. The highparticipation rate is due to the success of KPU socialization, massive information in the media. Of allthe regencies in Bali, Buleleng was recorded as one of the districts with a fairly high invalid vote rateof 37,449 while the number of valid votes was 401,818. The high number of invalid votes is due totechnical difficulties, especially for the elderly. In Buleleng Regency itself, the elderly voter rate is thehighest compared to other districts and cities with a total of 92,101 with the number of male voters is42,170 and the number of female voters is 49,931. Keywords: Buleleng Regency, Public Participation, Election, Political Communication

Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter presents the book’s macrolevel findings about the architecture of political communication and the news media ecosystem in the United States from 2015 to 2018. Two million stories published during the 2016 presidential election campaign are analyzed, along with another 1.9 million stories about Donald Trump’s presidency during his first year. The chapter examines patterns of interlinking between online media sources to understand the relations of authority and credibility among publishers, as well as the media sharing practices of Twitter and Facebook users to elucidate social media attention patterns. The data and mapping reveal not only a profoundly polarized media landscape but stark asymmetry: the right is more insular, skewed towards the extreme, and set apart from the more integrated media ecosystem of the center, center-left, and left.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-237
Author(s):  
Benjamin Biard

Debates over the stripping of citizenship have been rekindled in many countries in recent years. Radical right populist parties (RRPPs) are often perceived to have played a significant role in these resurging debates, even when they do not possess executive power and are often marginalised by mainstream parties. Thus, RRPPs’ real influence on policy-making remains unclear and the way RRPPs intervene in the policy-making process to influence it has not yet been satisfactorily determined. By focusing on policy-making, this study asks the question: how do RRPPs influence resurging debates over the stripping of citizenship? Using process-tracing and evidence from archives, memoirs and 67 interviews with policy-makers and party leaders, this research aims to determine if and how RRPPs intervene in the process in France and Belgium. The results indicate that RRPPs matter but that their influence is strongly curtailed. Their influence is not exercised directly and through institutional arenas, but indirectly: based on a provocative style, in a specific context, and through public opinion and the media.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 871-891 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsolt Boda ◽  
Gabriella Szabó ◽  
Attila Bartha ◽  
Gergő Medve-Bálint ◽  
Zsuzsanna Vidra

Penal populism, advocating severe punishment of criminals, has greatly influenced justice policy measures in Eastern Europe over the last decade. This article takes Hungary as a typical case in the region and based on a recent criminal policy reform it investigates the roots of the penal populist discourse, which legitimizes and supports punitive measures. The research assumes that policy discourses need specific social actors that construct and promote them. Accordingly, the article explores whether the right-wing political parties and the tabloid media have taken a leading role in constructing the discourse of penal populism as a response to public concerns about crime. Content analysis and frame analysis of political communication and media was conducted to identify the discursive positions of major political parties and selected national media sources. The research found that penal populism was dominant in Hungarian political discourse while most of the media, including the tabloid press, have been rather reluctant to adopt punitive tones. The results thus contradict previous findings and offer a more nuanced view on how penal populism is being constructed and promoted in Eastern Europe.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Andreas Christiansen ◽  
Karin Jonch-Clausen ◽  
Klemens Kappel

Many instances of new and emerging science and technology are controversial. Although a number of people, including scientific experts, welcome these developments, a considerable skepticism exists among members of the public. The use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) is a case in point. In science policy and in science communication, it is widely assumed that such controversial science and technology require public participation in the policy-making process. We examine this view, which we call the Public Participation Paradigm, using the case of GMOs as an example. We suggest that a prominent reason behind the call for public participation is the belief that such participation is required for democratic legitimacy. We then show that the most prominent accounts of democratic legitimacy do not, in fact, entail that public participation is required in cases of controversial science in general, or in the case of GMOs in particular.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 90-107
Author(s):  
Stephen Kiruku Kamau ◽  
Daniel Mange Mbirithi

To assist the government in determining its mandate, citizens should be involved as they best know their needs. The significance of citizen engagement in the process of policy formulation is rooted in among others, the fact that public policy outputs and effects affect those to whom the policy is targeted at. This study aimed to determine the effect of public participation in the public policy making process in Mombasa County, Kenya. The objectives of the research were; to establish the modes of citizen participation used in public policy making process in Mombasa County, Kenya; to determine the main factors that influence citizen participation in public policy making process; to establish the implication of citizen participation in public policy making process and to determine the extent of citizen/ public participation in public policy making process. The study was guided by Good Governance Theory.  The study utilized descriptive survey research design. The study targeted 560 County government and civil society representatives including women leaders, youth leaders and people living with disabilities representatives. The study used Yamane formulae to determine the sample size of 233 respondents. Purposive sampling was employed to select respondents. Data were collected through primary sources which include questionnaire, and interview schedule; while the secondary data were collected from the documentary sources. Data analysis involved both quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative data were analyzed descriptively and inferentially, and presented through frequency tables, pie chart and bar graphs. Qualitative data were analyzed by themes and presented through narration and pros forms. The findings of the study established that the main factors that affect citizen participation in formulation of public policy include direct benefits (financial, material), tangible or non-tangible to long or short term, among others. Other factors such as culture, history, government policy and social, political and economic structures influence community participation. Also, the findings of the study revealed that citizens are well acquainted with public policy processes and there is effective county government guidelines and clear standards enhance public policy making processes. The study findings revealed that involvement in policy formulation is positively related to performance. Also, consultation enables easy supervision of work. The research also concluded that education is essential for both parties who are participating towards high quality public policy formulation as it would certainly reduce unnecessary manipulation and the problem brought on by lack of knowledge, accountability and transparency and understanding of each party’s requirements. The study recommends that County Government of Mombasa should establish a participatory framework that allows citizens to monitor and evaluate development outcomes in the counties to ensure better decision making and implementation for subsequent projects and plans.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2017 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Rajesh Chakrabarti ◽  
Kaushiki Sanyal

This introductory chapter is a scene setter, aimed at public policy scholars and practitioners alike. It provides an outline and brief description of the book and provides a background for its subject matter. It provides a dipstick literature review of the existing literature on social movements and external influences on the policy process. It summarizes the key theoretical models of policy making in the international literature for understanding the policy process and provides a brief review of the policy making process in India, as well as a description, in some detail, of the various stages of law-making in the country. The exposition of the various stages of law-making provides an overview of the influence that various stakeholders in the policy process—the media, judiciary, civil society, and so on—can exert in the process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuval Dvir ◽  
Claire Maxwell ◽  
Miri Yemini

In 2016, the Israeli Ministry of Education (MoE) issued a policy document recommending six new doctrines for pedagogical development at schools. Amid those is ‘Glocalism’, aimed at addressing the global/local mix within the schooling system. Given the lack of a declared internationalization policy in Israel and its highly nationalistic curricula, this direction may constitute a first attempt by the MoE to internationalize school curricula. Public participation, including third-sector organizations actors, constituted a fundamental element in the development of this policy. Examining why this is, and what impact it had on how internationalization was conceived of is critical in this era of pluri-scalar policy-making. Our findings highlight the crucial role played by various non-governmental actors in this process. We also reveal that certain voices were in effect silenced – whether from marginalized constituencies or those suggesting directions contradicting the MoE’s intentions. The policy offers a vague definition for ‘Glocalism’, which appears to eliminate possibilities for marginalizing those communities who feel most challenged by this policy move. Yet, this open-endness in the conceptualization of internationalization is likely to further increase current inequalities within the education system. We argue that such public participation processes can therefore easily become pseudo-participatory, marginalizing and excluding particular constituents.


2019 ◽  
pp. 23-29
Author(s):  
Kanchan Kaur

In India, in the last year alone, over 30 people have died due to child kidnapping rumors spread on social media, specifically WhatsApp. India’s access to the internet shot up in the recent years with the entry of Reliance Jio which made data plans affordable and therefore accessible. WhatsApp has been the most frequently downloaded application. As the country gears up for an important election, the spread of disinformation has accelerated. The right-wing ruling party has claimed that it has over 3 million people in its WhatsApp groups. A recent study by BBC has shown that in the country, most of the disinformation has been spread by the right wing. Call it propaganda, disinformation or plain fake news, false or wrong information has become a part of the political process in India. Moreover, the Indian media no longer seem to be standing up to the government; in the last few years, it has generally toed the government line. The reasons are many, including corporate ownership, regressive laws, and a complete bypass of the media by the powers. The Prime Minister has spoken only to a few selected media houses and has never been asked any tough questions in his five-year tenure. Furthermore, the media has been completely sidelined by this government by it going to the public, directly through social media. All of this has produced a very turgid and messy information situation. With the government also interfering in education, it has become all the more difficult for most educators to introduce critical thinking courses in the country, even though various efforts have been made by Google News Initiative, Facebook and BBC Schools to introduce tools to debunk false information.


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