scholarly journals Necropolitical Governance and State-Corporate Harms: COVID-19 and the U.S. Pork Packing Industry

2021 ◽  
pp. 2631309X2110110
Author(s):  
Ivy Ken ◽  
Kenneth Sebastian León

The coronavirus pandemic has magnified the interdependence of the state and corporations in the pork packing industry. In 2020, when over 67,000 meatpacking and processing workers were infected with the virus, the state allowed and encouraged this industry to coerce a racialized workforce to risk their health and lives to slaughter pigs. While it would seem reasonable to call for more regulation to protect labor in this industry, we find by analyzing the state’s actions in 2020 that its interests are too far aligned with corporations’ interests to expect one to police the other. Our analysis underlines the state as a symbiotic partner of corporations, and places workers’ illnesses and deaths in a necropolitical framework that demands attention to the state’s tacit approval of inhumane working conditions, use of law to keep packing plants open, and attempts to limit the liability of corporations for any deaths or illnesses they have caused.

2021 ◽  
pp. 483-520
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young

Alamán’s internal self-exile in Mexico City, when he hid for nearly two years only to emerge in 1834, is discussed in as much detail as is possible for a largely undocumented episode. Having left the government along with the other ministers during 1832, he was being pursued by agents of the state and political enemies to stand trial before a congressional grand jury for his involvement in the judicial murder of Vicente Guerrero. The chapter also discusses his cordial relationship with the U.S. envoy who replaced the recalled Joel Poinsett, Anthony Butler. The fall of the Anastasio Bustamante government to an uprising led by Santa Anna is narrated, along with Alamán’s eventual trial, his spirited defense of himself, the intervention of Carlos María de Bustamante (not the president) on his behalf before the Supreme Court, and the ex-minister’s exoneration at the hands of President Santa Anna.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Loc Thi Thuy

From the beginning of the year 2020 until now, the Covid-19 pandemic has heavily, deeply and comprehensively impacted the state of international politics and security in both positive and negative directions. On one hand, the pandemic has encouraged nations to strengthen cooperation in order to effectively deal with the risks that it brought; on the other hand, it has contributed to a rise in competition as well as opposition between countries and global powers alike, especially between the U.S. and China, in multiple politics and security-related issues. In the coming times, the state of international politics and security is predicted to witness many changes, especially in the context where the U.S. is highly expected to adjust its policies. For this text, the writer will place an emphasis on providing in-depth analysis on the negative impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic on the state of international politics and security, and therefore provide commentary on the trends of the state of international politics and security in the coming times.


Author(s):  
Robert M. Lichtman

This chapter discusses the U.S. Supreme Court’s decisions during its October 1957 term. The continued heavy flow of “Communist” cases produced fourteen signed decisions and two via per curiam opinions. The outcomes were mixed, but they revealed a shift in the Court’s direction. The government prevailed in two state public-employee loyalty cases and three criminal contempt cases. However, it lost five deportation decisions, two decisions testing the State Department’s authority to deny passports on political grounds, and two narrow rulings invalidating state laws that conditioned the receipt of government benefits on signing a non-Communist oath. It also lost the two per curiam decisions—one reviewing the issuance of less-than-honorable Army discharges to “subversive” draftees and the other a contempt-of-Congress case against Dennis lawyer Harry Sacher.


Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Robert K. Olson

It is not a joking matter, but the state of Middle East politics is nothing if not absurd. Which is to say that, to the Westerner at least, the most recent rearrangement of alliances, conflicts, and rivalries follows no readily apparent pattern of loyalty or consistency—either religious or political. The Iran-Iraq war seems to have crystalized the fragmented Arab world into two opposing blocs, those siding with non-Arab Iran and those backing Saddam Hussein. But Libya and Syria, the two most pro-Soviet countries, have sided with anti-Communist, anti-Soviet Khomeini. On the other hand the Imam is opposed by the two anti-Soviet monarchies of lordan and Saudi Arabia and the non-Communist Gulf states led by pro-Soviet Iraq. The two monarchies might be expected to oppose Iran's revolutionary regime but hardly to ally themselves with a regime no less revolutionary in its own way than Iran. Not to put too fine a point on it, it was the 1958 Iraq revolution that murder ed King Faisal II, ruler of Iraq and cousin to King Hussein. We find Sunni Libya, which has sought to embarrass Alawite president of Syria Assad by stirring up opposition among the Sunni majority of Syria, united with Assad to give aid and comfort to the Shiite leader of Iran. Syria and Iraq, which are hostile to each other, are ruled by the two extant leaders of thp Baath or Renaissance party dedicated to the unity of the Arab peoples. We find Soviet-client Iraq allied with the most proAmerican states, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, against the most anti-American state, Iran. Soviet weaponry provides the security of the Arab axis against American weaponry provided to the shah. Meanwhile, Iran credits the U.S. with starting the war, even though Iran is being attacked with Soviet weaponry.


Author(s):  
Lars U. Scholl

This book presents twelve essays by historian David M. Williams, in order to pay tribute to his career. The essays stretch from 1807 through to the end of the nineteenth century, and address both economic and social themes. Topics include maritime trade, deployment of merchant ships, the state regulations concerning shipping, shipwrecks and loss of life, passenger cargoes, slavery, cotton, timber and coffee trades, and the working conditions of seamen over the course of the century. The plight of the maritime labourer is at the core of this collection. The essays primarily focus on British shipping, and firmly places it within an international context. The book is introduced by Lars U. Scholl, followed by two tributes to Williams’ career, one by Peter N. Davies, the other by Lewis R. Fischer. Scholl concludes the volume with a thorough bibliography of Williams’ maritime writings: books, chapters, and articles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-213
Author(s):  
Efe Sıvış

The author examines the demonstrations carried out by university students in Istanbul on December 4, 1945 and the raid on the printing operations of the pro-Soviet Tan newspaper, known as the Tan Raid, in light of U.S. State Department documents, namely the related fi les in National Archives Records Administration. The infl uence of the Tan Raid on Turkey’s international relations is discussed in the context of Turkish-American and Turkish-Soviet relations. The Raid is regarded as a signifi cant incident since it coincides with the post WW2 period when Turkey’s relations with the Soviet Union had already deteriorated due to Moscow’s demands to revise the Montreux Convention by 19th of March 1945. Furthermore, Turkish-American diplomatic contacts in the aftermath of the Raid show Washington’s perspective on policy towards Soviet Union, as U.S. offi cials advised a moderate line to their Turkish counterparts. On the other hand, preparations for the Raid seem highly controversial since Turkish government offi cials did not strongly condemn the event and the police did not intervene against the protestors despite of their violent actions towards Tan and some left leaning bookstores. The slogans during the demonstration show its anti-Soviet character, which Ankara denied in order to decrease tensions with the Soviets by arguing that it was Tan ’s owner, the Sertel couple to whom the anger was directed, not the Soviet Union. The intelligence obtained by diplomats at the U.S. Embassy in Ankara, the meetings they conducted with Turkish politicians, their conclusions regarding the process leading up to the raid, and their opinions on Turkish-Soviet relations provide the background for the analysis.


Author(s):  
Robert Wuthnow

This chapter focuses on a turbulent period in the late nineteenth century, as Texas was in the midst of one of the most important and hotly contested elections in its history. In compliance with an act of the U.S. Congress and by proclamation of President Ulysses S. Grant, the election ran from November 30 through December 3, 1869. It was held to determine whether the state would ratify a new constitution that complied with the Reconstruction laws of Congress and thus be reincorporated into the United States as a state in good standing. The situation was complicated by the murder of a well-respected businessman named B. W. Loveland. A witness claimed to have seen a black man in the vicinity of the store with what appeared to be bloodstains on his pants. Other witnesses claimed they had heard and seen nothing. Religion's place would be well illustrated both in the election itself and in the outcome of the Loveland murder investigation. Two members of the clergy in particular, one a white Methodist preacher and the other a black Baptist pastor, would quietly show the complex results that could occur when race and religion mingled with politics.


2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 99-105
Author(s):  
Stephen Issacson

I live and work in the beautiful city of Portland, Oregon. I realize that some of you may not know exactly where Oregon is. When I lived for a year in England, most of the people I met thought Oregon was somewhere in the middle of the U.S. like the other “O” states – Oklahoma and Ohio. However, when I told my English friends that Oregon was the state immediately north of California, they knew exactly where it was. Everyone, it seems, knows where California is: Hollywood, surfers, Disneyland, etc.


Author(s):  
Yutaka Kurihara

This study reports the empirical analyzes of the COVID-19 on stock prices and exchange rates of Japan. Newly confirmed cases and death cases have significantly positive impacts on Japanese stock prices. One reason is that Japanese stock prices recently move together with U.S. stock prices. Under this situation, the U.S. could recover from the damage of COVID-19 ahead of other countries and its stock prices have increased hugely, so the effects on Japanese stock prices have been quite large. The rising of the U.S. stock prices have had a big influence so as to deny the adverse effects by COVID-19 in Japan. The other reason is that although the stock prices of tourism, food service, and so on were damaged in Japan, other industry stock prices have been increasing. The coefficients of declaration of the state of emergency/anti-infection measures are positive which denotes that the stock market may have taken the measure favorably. However, they are positive, but they are also insignificant. For the exchange rates, the newly confirmed case is significant and positive which means that it promotes depreciation of the Japanese Yen. It seems natural because if the situation of COVID-19 becomes serious, market participants consider investment in Japan as risky. Finally, both of the cases of confirmed cases and death cases of COVID-19 are negatively and significantly related with the flow of people. The coefficient of declaration of the state of emergency/anti-infection measures is negative, however, they are not significant to the flow of people.


Author(s):  
Aleix Morilla-Luchena ◽  
Rocío Muñoz-Moreno ◽  
Alfonso Chaves-Montero ◽  
Octavio Vázquez-Aguado

This paper analyses teleworking in social services during the state of alarm caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in Spain. It has a double objective: To analyse the profile of the professional who teleworked in social services and, on the other hand, to analyse the perception of teleworkers of working conditions during this period, as well as the degree to which they have been affected by them depending on whether they work face-to-face or telematically. To this end, a questionnaire was administered to Spanish social service professionals working, obtaining a sample of 560 professionals in the sector. The profile obtained in relation to teleworking may be especially useful when considering the progressive incorporation of more non-presential activity in social services, and the results show that, although teleworking has been perceived as an efficient way of overcoming the limitations to face-to-face work arising from the pandemic, both the positive and negative consequences of the implementation of this modality of work should be carefully assessed.


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