Merchants and Mariners

Author(s):  
Lars U. Scholl

This book presents twelve essays by historian David M. Williams, in order to pay tribute to his career. The essays stretch from 1807 through to the end of the nineteenth century, and address both economic and social themes. Topics include maritime trade, deployment of merchant ships, the state regulations concerning shipping, shipwrecks and loss of life, passenger cargoes, slavery, cotton, timber and coffee trades, and the working conditions of seamen over the course of the century. The plight of the maritime labourer is at the core of this collection. The essays primarily focus on British shipping, and firmly places it within an international context. The book is introduced by Lars U. Scholl, followed by two tributes to Williams’ career, one by Peter N. Davies, the other by Lewis R. Fischer. Scholl concludes the volume with a thorough bibliography of Williams’ maritime writings: books, chapters, and articles.

Author(s):  
Tim Dunne

This chapter examines the core assumptions of liberalism regarding world politics. It explores why liberals believe in progress, what explains the ascendancy of liberal ideas in world politics since 1945, and whether liberal solutions to global problems are hard to achieve and difficult to sustain. The chapter also considers central ideas in liberal thinking on international relations, including internationalism, idealism, and institutionalism. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges confronting liberalism. Two case studies are presented: one dealing with imperialism and internationalism in nineteenth-century Britain, and the other with the 1990–1991 Gulf War and its implications for collective security. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether democracy is a better system of government and whether it should be promoted by peaceful and forceful means.


Subject Salafism impact on Muslim societies. Significance Salafism (‘ancestralism’) is an ultra-conservative ideology adopted by a variety of Muslim individuals and organisations. It claims to reveal the authentic Islam of the first three generations of ‘pious forefathers’ (Arabic: al-salaf al-salih) from the time of the Prophet Mohammed. Salafis seek to 'purify' and thereby change other Muslims’ behaviour. These aims can be pursued by ‘top-down’ methods of engaging the state via activist struggle (jihad), or by ‘bottom-up’ strategies of engaging society via quietist proselytisation (da‘wa): that is, with or without violence. Impacts The core salafi doctrine of (‘loyalty [to Muslims] and disavowal [of non-Muslims]’) encourages its followers’ isolation from wider society. Competition for authenticity will further divide Muslim communities by ‘condemning the other’. Salafi-inspired organisations will seek to dominate public discourse and definitions of Islam.


Author(s):  
Lars U. Scholl ◽  
Lars U. Scholl

This chapter examines the state regulation of the timber and grain trades in the Britain in the nineteenth century, and the efforts made to combat the high loss of life relating to these cargoes.The heavy losses began to draw public scrutiny in the 1830s, which eventually led to government regulation. Williams argues that it was not just the acts of government, but the significant advances in technology and growing expertise amongst seafarers and officers that sharply reduced loss of life toward the end of the century. An appendix tables the loss of life on both timber and grain vessels owned by Britain between 1875 and 1884, and again between 1884-1910, and a third table listing British vessels lost between 1884-1910.


2021 ◽  
pp. 025764302110421
Author(s):  
Sudipto Basu

How does a state govern a territory which has seen a sudden spurt in population and become the most densely populated regions of the province? How does the state account for the governance of a place which very recently has seen the transition from a rural or a semi-rural tract to a town? And most importantly, how does the state govern a place where the main source of power resides with the proprietors of private enterprises? These were some of the questions which the colonial state had to deal with when it was faced with the prospect of administering some of the most rapidly ‘urbanizing’ or expanding regions of Bengal, that is, the industrial belt or the riparian municipalities of the districts of 24 Parganas and Hooghly and the mining and railway junctions of Ranigunj and Asansol from the last quarter of the nineteenth century. How was their administration going to be any different from the other mofussil municipalities, which also had a semi-rural character? This article will look at these questions and try to understand how through the process of municipalization the colonial state was trying to control the newer territories and how the locals reacted to these attempts. This article will investigate and hence argue that any attempt at improvement in these mofussil municipalities was being throttled due to the lack of understanding, on the part of the provincial government, of the local socio-economic conditions and the ineffectiveness of the local self-government in these towns.


Author(s):  
Robert Garner

This chapter explains why the state and sovereignty are relevant to the study of politics. It first provides an empirical typology of the state, ranging from the minimalist night-watchman state, approximated to by nineteenth-century capitalist regimes at one end of the spectrum, to the totalitarian state of the twentieth century at the other. It then examines the distribution of power in the state by focusing on three major theories of the state: pluralism, elitism, Marxism, as well as New Right theory. The chapter seeks to demonstrate that the theories of the state identified can also be critiqued normatively, so that pluralism, for instance, can be challenged for its divisive character, as exemplified by identity politics. It then goes on to review different views about what the role of the state ought to be, from the minimalist state recommended by adherents of classical liberalism, to the pursuit of distinctive social objectives as recommended, in particular, by proponents of communitarianism. Finally, it discusses empirical and normative challenges to the state and asks whether the state’s days are numbered.


2014 ◽  
Vol 86 ◽  
pp. 15-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Mandala

AbstractThis essay illuminates the worldwide transition to free labor from various forms of unfree labor by examining that process in the particular conditions of Southern Africa's encounter with Britain. Dr. David Livingstone's servants—whose descendants in Malawi have been called “Magololo,”1 a term used throughout this essay to distinguish them from the “Kololo” conquerors of Bulozi in contemporary Zambia and parts of Namibia—exemplify this global development. Between 1853 and 1861, over a hundred young Magololo men worked as porters, deckhands, and guides and showed Livingstone the very places in southern Africa whose “discovery” (for Britons) made Livingstone famous. Owing tribute labor to their king, Sekeletu, they initially performed these tasks as subjects. But, after Livingstone's return from England in 1858, they labored for wages; they were among the first groups of Africans in the region to make the emblematic modern move from formally unfree labor to formally free labor. This transition, which would form the core conflict of indirect rule in British Africa, radically altered Livingstone's relationship with his guides: They rebelled against him in 1861. This is one side of the story. The other side follows from the fact that one cannot sensibly speak about workers without the story of their employers. Accordingly, this essay revisits the well-known story of Livingstone's life but offers a different perspective than other biographies. It is the first study to combine the long-familiar documentary evidence with oral sources, for the specific purpose of retelling the Livingstone narrative (in its many renderings) from the viewpoint of his relations with the Magololo workers. In that way, it can shed light on the beginnings of the transition to wage labor in this region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2631309X2110110
Author(s):  
Ivy Ken ◽  
Kenneth Sebastian León

The coronavirus pandemic has magnified the interdependence of the state and corporations in the pork packing industry. In 2020, when over 67,000 meatpacking and processing workers were infected with the virus, the state allowed and encouraged this industry to coerce a racialized workforce to risk their health and lives to slaughter pigs. While it would seem reasonable to call for more regulation to protect labor in this industry, we find by analyzing the state’s actions in 2020 that its interests are too far aligned with corporations’ interests to expect one to police the other. Our analysis underlines the state as a symbiotic partner of corporations, and places workers’ illnesses and deaths in a necropolitical framework that demands attention to the state’s tacit approval of inhumane working conditions, use of law to keep packing plants open, and attempts to limit the liability of corporations for any deaths or illnesses they have caused.


2019 ◽  
pp. 551-561
Author(s):  
Dragan Stanar

Virtue of loyalty represents one of the core virtues in democratic systems, as it enables the will of citizens to be implemented via decisions of elected government. Expertise represents a necessary attribute of every successful state apparatus, and it is an inevitable ingredient of all progress. This paper aims to explain the dynamic relationship between expertise and loyalty of non-elected personnel in democratic societies, with the focus on developing democracies, like the Serbian democracy. Neglection of loyalty to the legitimately elected government in favor of expertise undermines the core principles of democracy and drives a society into a sort of ?expert oligarchy?, in which there is no equality, and the will of the majority is ignored by the expert elite. On the other hand, neglection of expertise of appointed personnel in favor of their loyalty, as seen in the so-called spoils systems, is a recipe for a disaster and erosion of the entire society, as it places the state in the hands of ignorant laymen who can only offer unlimited loyalty. It is necessary to establish a minimum of expertise and loyalty of appointed, non-elected, personnel in democracies in order to create optimal conditions for progress. Inability to respect the principle of minimal expertise when appointing personnel in state apparatus suggests faulty policy and unfoundedness of policy of legitimately elected government.


Author(s):  
Marcin Jauksz

The article’s aim is to present Bolesław Prus’s [Aleksander Głowacki’s] early literary endavours in the light of the reception of Hippolite Taine’s psychological studies at the turn of the sixties and seventies of the nineteenth century. The Author challenges the common conviction of the fact that Taine’s work has not been a strong point of reference for Prus before 1880 and shows how the strategies of gaining knowledge described by the French philosopher are reflected in the structure and peculiar fragments of Prus’s Warsaw sketches. The syncretism of those literary pieces, that join Prus’s column writing style with journalistic interventionism on the one hand and romantic musings of the literary wanderer, a figure at the core of the stories, on the other allows to show writer’s indecisiveness as a sign of positivistic doubt in approachableness of the nature of reality and of every singular experience.


1970 ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Magdalena Hillström

The thesis traces and analyses important changes in cultural heritage and museum politics during the nineteenth century. It tells two overlapping narratives. One is about the creation and expansion of Nordiska museet, and about the museum founder, Artur Hazelius. The other concerns the indecisive construction of meaning and organisational forms for state responsibility for the cultural heritage. The nineteenth century is commonly described as a time when cultural heritage became a concern of the state. This thesis instead sheds light on the uncertainties involved in the construction of national cultural heritage politics. It emphasises the crucial role played by voluntary organisations. It observes the significance of histories and of counter-histories in the controversies obout the ownership of the cultural heritage and responsibility for maintaining it. The thesis also focuses on the emergence of a museum profession and its implications for the development of Nordiska museet and for museum politics in general.


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