scholarly journals Suicide rates and voting choice in the UK's 2016 national Brexit referendum on European Union membership: cross-sectional ecological investigation across England's local authority populations

BJPsych Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Steeg ◽  
Roger T. Webb ◽  
Saied Ibrahim ◽  
Louis Appleby ◽  
Nav Kapur

Background Individual- and area-level risk factors for suicide are relatively well-understood but the role of macro social factors such as alienation, social fragmentation or ‘anomie’ is relatively underresearched. Voting choice in the 2016 referendum on the UK's membership of the European Union (EU) provides a potential measure of anomie. Aims To examine associations between percentage ‘Leave’ votes in the EU referendum and suicide rates in 2015–2017, the period just prior to, and following, the referendum. Method National cross-sectional ecological study of 315 English local authority populations. Associations between voting choice in the EU referendum and age-standardised suicide rates, averaged for the years 2015, 2016 and 2017, were examined. Results Overall there was a weak, but statistically significant, positive correlation between the local authority-level percentage ‘Leave’ vote in 2016 and the suicide rate 2015–2017: Pearson's correlation coefficient, r = 0.17; P = 0.003. This relationship was explained by populations having an older age distribution, being more deprived and lacking ethnic diversity. However, there was divergence (likelihood ratio test for interaction, χ2 = 7.2, P = 0.007) in the observed associations between London and the provincial regions with Greater London having a moderately strong negative association (r = −0.40; P = 0.02) and the rest of England a weak positive association (r = 0.17; P = 0.004). Conclusions Deprivation, older age distribution and a lack of ethnic diversity seems to explain raised suicide risk in Brexit-voting communities. A greater sense of alienation among people feeling ‘left behind’/‘left out’ may have had some influence too, although multilevel modelling of individual- versus area-level data are needed to examine these complex relationships. The incongruent ecological relationship observed for London likely reflect its distinct social, economic and health context.

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-76
Author(s):  
Konstantinos E Farsalinos ◽  
Anastasia Barbouni

ObjectivesTo examine the association between electronic cigarette (e-cigarette) use and smoking cessation in the European Union (EU) in 2017 according to e-cigarette use frequency and smoking cessation duration.DesignCross-sectional survey of EU citizens, representative of the population (Special Eurobarometer 458). Weighted proportions (95% CI) and adjusted prevalence ratios (aPRs) were calculated.SettingEU.Participants13 057 EU citizens aged ≥15 years (6904 current and 6153 former smokers).ResultsCurrent daily e-cigarette use was reported by 2.4% (1.8%–3.1%) of current and 3.3% (2.5%–4.2%) of former smokers (p=0.002), while former daily use was reported by 5.6% (4.7%–6.8%) and 1.9% (1.3%–2.7%), respectively (p<0.001). More than half of all former smokers had quit for >10 years. Current daily e-cigarette use was rare among former smokers of >10 years (0.2%, 0.1%–0.6%) and was more prevalent in former smokers of ≤2 and 3–5 years (12.9%, 9.1%–17.9% and 9.0%, 5.8%–13.7%, respectively). Compared with never use, current daily e-cigarette use was associated with being a former smoker of ≤2 (aPR 4.96, 95% CI 3.57 to 6.90) and 3–5 years (aPR 3.20, 95% CI 2.10 to 4.87). Former daily e-cigarette use was associated with being a former smoker of ≤2 years (aPR 1.96, 95% CI 1.21 to 3.12). Current daily e-cigarette use was negatively associated with being a former smoker of 5–10 and >10 years.ConclusionsCurrent daily e-cigarette use in the EU in 2017 was rare among former smokers of >10 years and was positively associated with recent (≤5 years) smoking cessation. Former daily e-cigarette use was also positively associated with recent (≤2 years) smoking cessation.


2001 ◽  
Vol 127 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. MANFREDI ◽  
L. CALZA ◽  
F. CHIODO

The epidemiological, clinical and therapeutic features of HIV disease diagnosed in 41 immigrants from outside of the European Union (EU), were compared with those of 123 Italian and EU patients, in a cross-sectional case-control study, with individuals matched according to age and gender. In total 4·15% of our patients came from outside of the EU (51·2% of them from subsaharan Africa), with a proportional predominance of females, and heterosexual and perinatal transmission of HIV disease (P < 0·0001 and P < 0·02, respectively). Compared with Italian and EU subjects, patients coming from abroad had a shorter duration of known HIV infection (P < 0·001), but only some subjects were aware of their HIV disease prior to immigration, or acquired HIV infection only after coming to Italy (14·6% and 12·2%, respectively). No cases of HIV-2 infection or co-infection were detected in either study group. Compared with controls, patients coming from outside of the EU had a comparable clinical and immunological status, and had similar antiretroviral therapy, which was administered earlier (P < 0·0001), and proved better tolerated (P < 0·04), than in Italian and EU subjects. The apparently more limited virological response (as expressed by a higher mean plasma viral load, and a lower rate of viral suppression at the last visit; P < 0·001 and P < 0·05, respectively), was probably a bias due to the shorter mean overall follow-up time (P < 0·0001), and the shorter mean duration of antiretroviral treatment (11·1±2·2 months of immigrants vs. 16·2±6·7 months of controls; P < 0·0001).


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 589-606 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Nurse ◽  
Olivier Sykes

In the aftermath of the UK’s vote to leave the European Union, a number of dominant narratives and spatial imaginaries of ‘Brexit’ have come to the fore including the notion of a revolt of a ‘Left Behind Britain’, and of a generational splintering manifested in different political attitudes. Informed by this context, this paper considers some of these issues at the micro-scale, using voting data from two contiguous local authority districts within the same city region. It presents data from wards that have similar socio-economic conditions and which are highly ranked in the Index of Multiple Deprivation but which voted differently in the referendum. The data reinforce the arguments of those who have claimed that the phenomenon of Brexit is powerfully contextual and that general socio-economic analyses of its causes do not fully explain why some areas and populations voted to leave the EU and others with comparable profiles voted to remain. With poorer regions predicted to be the biggest economic losers of ‘Brexit’, an understanding of such issues is of material consequence and might inform progressive responses to such populist phenomena.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 817-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Jeannet

Abstract Although the European Union (EU) allows citizens from member countries to migrate freely within its confines to facilitate integration, it may be alienating public support for Europe. This article investigates this by extending group threat theory to explain how internal migration is related to public opinion about the EU using annual Eurobarometer data from 1998 to 2014 across 15 Western European countries. Employing a pooled time cross-sectional design, I find that the presence of EU citizens from Central and Eastern European member states is positively related to public beliefs that EU membership is not beneficial for their country. The results also show that this relationship is even stronger during an economic downturn. There is weak evidence that it may be related to distrust in European institutions as well. These findings shed light on why public support for the EU can erode over time and how it responds to contextual changes in Europe’s internal migration patterns. The study concludes by discussing how group threat theory is relevant for understanding public opinion about the EU.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 (11) ◽  
pp. 3849-3886 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiemo Fetzer

This paper documents a significant association between the exposure of an individual or area to the UK government’s austerity-induced welfare reforms begun in 2010, and the following: the subsequent rise in support for the UK Independence Party, an important correlate of Leave support in the 2016 UK referendum on European Union membership; broader individual-level measures of political dissatisfaction; and direct measures of support for Leave. Leveraging data from all UK electoral contests since 2000, along with detailed, individual-level panel data, the findings suggest that the EU referendum could have resulted in a Remain victory had it not been for austerity. (JEL D72, F15, F60, H53, I38)


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Prier ◽  
Clifford McCue ◽  
Emily A. Boykin

Purpose This study aims to empirically assess the standardization of using voluntary ex ante transparency notices to announce the awards of noncompetitive large-value contracts. Design/methodology/approach Based on open data published in the Official Journal of the European Union, a pooled cross-sectional research design is used to determine the level of standardized use of noncompetitive contracting by member states. Findings Findings suggest little evidence of standardization when publicizing direct contract awards, which might warrant remedial measures for promoting standardization by the EU. Moreover, France was found to be a major outlier in the prevalence of using non-competitive direct contract awards procedures. Social implications Maintenance of the European Union is predicated on free, transparent and open competition among member states, and this can only be maintained if each member state transposes EU standards into their national laws. Originality/value Findings suggest little evidence of standardization when publicizing direct contract awards, which might warrant additional remedial measures promoting consistency across the EU. Moreover, France was found to be a major outlier in the prevalence of using non-competitive direct contract awards procedures.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Langton ◽  
Reka Solymosi

The visualisation of spatial information is a powerful tool for researchers in urban analyticsseeking to convey their findings to the wider research community and the public in an accessibleway. Yet, even the most well-intentioned cartographer may introduce misrepresentation bymapping irregularly shaped and sized areas. This commentary explores the extent to whichdifferent methods of visualising area-based data can remedy (or exacerbate) thismisrepresentation by presenting preliminary results from a crowdsourced survey. Data from the2016 European Union (EU) referendum at Local Authority level in England is visualised usingfour alternative methods (balanced cartogram, hexogram, hexagonal grid, square grid) andcompared to a traditional choropleth map, in terms of people’s understanding of the authors’intended message, through a crowdsourced survey questionnaire. Results indicate that mappingout original boundaries can introduce misrepresentation, which can be mitigated by usingbalanced cartograms and hexograms to improve the accuracy of visualisations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 464-506
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

This chapter charts the long association of the UK with the EU. It considers all aspects of this relationship including pre membership, entry to the EC (EU), the first UK EU referendum in 1975 and the relationship over five decades. It considers how EU law was granted supremacy over UK law and how the courts viewed this. It considers the period up to and, including the 2016 UK EU referendum on exiting or remaining in the EU and the immediate consequences of that. Finally, and now most importantly, it looks at the negotiations and means by which the UK legally exited the EU on 31 January and the movement into the next stage of that relationship: the future trade relationship with the EU.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0143831X1989948
Author(s):  
Ian Fitzgerald ◽  
Ron Beadle ◽  
Kevin Rowan

This article reports on pre and post interviews with trade union leaders and senior Trades Union Congress (TUC) and union officials who held campaign responsibilities for the 2016 UK European Union (EU) Referendum. The article considers the development of union policy towards the EU, the determination of unions’ final positions, campaign resources and media, the arguments made and the drivers of and constraints upon active campaigning. Campaign intensity, resourcing and strategic decision-making varied widely across unions and was frustrated by resource constraints, fear of alienating members and in some cases lack of priority. The article concludes that unions must be better prepared to commit material resources and national officers’ time so that campaign issues are effectively framed in terms of member concerns.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 496-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Khabaz

A content analysis of top selling newspapers in the United Kingdom shows a significant level of support given to the pro-Leave campaign leading to the Referendum on June 23, 2016, on whether the United Kingdom should remain a European Union member. The national newspapers’ influence on the outcome of the Referendum can be seen through the application of repetitive frames that highlighted long-established concerns around “taking control,” “democracy” and “sovereignty.”


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