scholarly journals Generation Left after Corbynism

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (4) ◽  
pp. 892-902
Author(s):  
Keir Milburn

Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party has allowed age to emerge as a dramatic new axis of political division. This article treats the political generation gap as, in part, a transformation in class composition. Most notably, starting with the political age divide makes recognition of a shift toward an asset-based economy hard to avoid. The economic crisis of 2008, and the British government responses to it, have provoked a contradiction between the two main avenues through which neoliberal subjectivities are trained. While neoliberal institutional reform and the styles of management that accompany it continue to train the young in line with theories of human capital, the specific nature of their entrainment in bonds of debt increasingly undermine the notions of meritocracy on which the human capital metaphor implicitly depends. This contradiction opens up possibilities for constructing more open conceptions of the future which can, in turn, be embedded within institutions yet to be created.

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (50) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Lehmann

It is common today, even in the European media, to treat the current crisis of the European Union almost exclusively as an economic crisis. The present article pretends to show that such a focus is not only wrong but is indeed dangerous for the future development of the European Union as a whole. The article will argue that the present economic crisis simply aggravated – and a lot – a crisis of legitimacy through which the European Union has been passing for some time. Showing that the anti-European tendencies which are spreading throughout the countries of the continent threaten the very future of the European project, the article will make suggestion on reforms for the future development of the EU, alerting to the necessity to finally elaborate once again a coherent argument for the continuation of the European integration process which puts the European population at the heart of the political process instead of just austerity.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Trotter

For Japan and Britain, 1934 was a year when naval policy was a major issue. During that year, decisions had to be made on the future of the Washington and London naval disarmament treaties, and, for both Tokyo and London, the political implications of the abrogation or renewal of these treaties were at least as important as the technical. The Japanese Government could not afford to renew the treaties, the British Government could not afford to see them go. In this situation, the feasibility of an Anglo-Japanese non-aggression pact, one of the purposes of which would be to check the demands of the Japanese navy, was seriously considered by the British.


1948 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
Bernard Wall

It seems impossible to sort out where all the many strands in British life are leading just now, or to forecast the political future of the country. Too much depends on outside influences. There is the world-wide question of the future of relations between America and Russia. There is the question of what way continental Europe will turn in the next year or two. There is the appalling complication of the economic crisis. The political situation at home and abroad is still a fluid one.Some American readers may have read a “London Letter” by Arthur Koesder to the Partisan Review which appeared some months ago. Koestler, with all his ability for penetrating and destructive criticism, called England an island of “virtue and gloom.” This is an impression many people now get when they compare England with continental countries in many ways far worse off, such as France or Italy.


Author(s):  
A. Suzdal'tsev

The article is devoted to problems of development of modern Belarusian political class under the conditions of the gradual decomposition of the authoritarian regime of Alexander Lukashenko. The author concludes that recent development is triggered by the structural economic crisis that seriously the affected the Republic of Belarus in 2011. Thus, the political forces of the Republic, representatives of the nomenclature, business circles and the young Belarusian economic oligarchy are now facing difficult choices on which the future of Belarus will depends.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


2018 ◽  
pp. 173-189
Author(s):  
Elena Borisenok

The article focuses on the analysis of the memoirs of the political and military officials that served Hetman P. Skoropadskyi. Their positions toward “Ukrainian question”, Hetman regime, views on the future of the Russian state etc. are studied.


2017 ◽  
pp. 126-169
Author(s):  
S.E. Tariverdieva

The article deals with the development of the coregency system of Augustus and Agrippa from 29 to 18 BC: from formal and actual disparity of the coregents to their formal equality with the dominance of the princeps auctoritas. Particular attention is paid to the earlier stages of this development and to the crisis of 23 BC. The coregency system created by Augustus is often regarded by modern historians as means of ensuring uninterrupted succession of power. Agrippa as his coregent often is thought to have assumed the role of the regent who temporally replaces the princeps, just as it was in formal monarchies, or that of the tutor of the future rulers. However, the Roman system of state administration did not allow such type of regency. The princeps coregent, who was his equal in formal credentials but his inferior in terms of auctoritas, in case of the princeps death had to become the next princeps as his immediate successor. It is unlikely that later he was expected to voluntarily give up his power in favour of younger heir and to vanish from the political life altogether. The inheritance system under Augustus was like a ladder with the princeps at the top, the coregent who was also the immediate successor one step below, heirs of the next degree further down. In case of death of one of them, successors shifted one step up. The coregency had one more function: geographically it allowed Augustus and Agrippa to rule jointly the empire while staying in different parts of it.В статье исследуется развитие системы соправления Августа и Агриппы с 29 по 12 гг. до н. э.: от формального и фактического неравенства соправителей до их формального равенства при преобладании auctoritas принцепса, причём особое внимание уделяется раннему этапу этого развития и кризису 23 г. до н. э. Институт соправления, созданный Августом, часто рассматривается, как средство обеспечения бесперебойного перехода власти, причем Агриппе, как соправителю, НЕРЕДКО отводится роль регента, временно замещающего принцепса или воспитателя будущих правителей. Однако римская система государственного управления не предполагала регентства. Соправитель принцепса, равный ему по формальным полномочиям, но уступавший по auctoritas, в случае его смерти должен был СТАТЬ следующим принцепсом, ближайшим его наследником. Вряд ли предполагалось, что в будущем он должен добровольно уступить власть более молодому наследнику и исчезнуть из политической жизни. Система наследования при Августе представляла собой нечто вроде лестницы, на вершине которой стоял принцепс, на следующей ступени соправитель, он же избранный преемник, ниже наследники следующей очереди в случае смерти когото из них происходило продвижение наследников по ступеням вверх. Кроме того, соправление имело и иное значение позволяло Августу и Агриппе совместно управлять империей, находясь в разных ее частях.


Author(s):  
María- José Foncubierta-Rodriguez ◽  
Rafael Ravina-Ripoll ◽  
Eduardo Ahumada-Tello ◽  
Luis Bayardo Tobar-Pesantez

Since the end of the 20th century, economists have been attracted to the study of the economics of happiness (e.g., Singh, & Alexandrova, 2020; Crespo & Mesurado, 2015; Ferrer-i-Carbonell,2013). The use of the term happiness characterizes an essential volume of this bibliographical production as a synonym for the words satisfaction, well-being, or quality of life (Teixeira&Vasque, 2020; Carlquist et al., 2017). Under this umbrella, the culture of happiness management teaches us that a management model or direction oriented to the holistic search for happiness or job satisfaction of its employees is one of the essential axial pieces that organizations have to increase the commitment of their human capital, and therefore, their productivity and business performance (Ravina et al., 2019). Public administration employees are not exempt from this reality, a group that is characterized by job stability compared to private company employees. This article is dedicated to them. The era of Industry 4.0 is a period that is characterized, among other things, by the high precariousness of labor that is originated by the implementation of management models in advanced economies. This phenomenon is derived from the technological point of view by the automation and massive robotization of production processes and the supply chain. Together with the digitalization of companies, both factors are very present in the ecosystems of the Covid-19, and have come, perhaps, to stay in the future (Bragazzi, 2020; Ghadge et al., 2020). In line with the above, a more holistic examination of this issue seems likely to show that there is a keen interest among people to enter into Work mostly in public administrations, in search of a permanent contract for their entire working life. As is known, this is especially true in countries with high unemployment levels, such as Spain. Its unemployment rate is 20.1% in mid-2020. In the collective imagination of these individuals, there is the conviction that this type of Work constitutes ambrosia of eudaimonic happiness, job security, and quality of life, especially at present, in times of the Covid-19 pandemic (Fernández-Urbano, & Kulic, 2020). In this sense, it should be noted that in the last decades of the 21st century, there has been a growing interest in researching public employees' job satisfaction (e.g., Ryu&Bae, 2020; Steijn &Van der Voet, 2019; Luechinge et al., 2010). Most of the studies carried out on this scientific topic to date show empirically that public sector workers are happier than individuals in the private sphere. It's basically due to the intrinsic benefits (flexibility, vacation, or family reconciliation, among others) that this type of government entity offers concerning for-profit organizations (e.g., Lahat&Ofek, 2020; Sánchez-Sánchez, & Puente, 2020; Danzer,2019). In this context, this article aims to examine, as a priority in the era of Industry 4.0, whether there are observed differences in the levels of congratulations between human capital working in the private sector and that working in the public sector in Spain, by analyzing a set of variables that define positions: hours, salary, stability, promotion, and stress. Finally, we must indicate, on the one hand, that the choice of this spatial framework is motivated by the scarce literature investigating the happiness of Spanish public employees in an economy with high levels of youth unemployment (Núñez-Barriopedro et al., 2020). On the other hand, the results achieved in this study may be useful in the future for the implementation of public policies aimed at significantly promoting the welfare of working citizens through the happiness management approach (Ravina-Ripoll et al., 2019), or for taking this management concept to private companies to increase the motivation of their employees (Foncubierta-Rodríguez & Sánchez-Montero, 2019). Keywords: Happiness, human resources, Industry 4.0, public sector.


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